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The peaceful development path is a breakthrough in the traditional socialist path, a breakthrough from developing socialism behind closed doors, and a breakthrough in the world revolution path. In the late 1980s, socialism in the Soviet Union, Eastern Europe and other countries suffered a setback. The reason that the traditional socialism path suffered a setback is largely related to trying to develop a socialist planned economy on its own by following the so called “Stalin model.” The “Stalin model” was a product of the special conditions during the era of war and revolution in Russia. It was for a large yet economically weak country to survive and develop, although surrounded by capitalism, to increase economic power and to strengthen its national defense at all costs through the implementation of a comprehensive collectivization of its system, and to establish a mandatory and highly centralized planned economy in the political system.

The core feature of this model is that a socialist country isolates itself from the capitalist world, and tries to develop socialism on its own, in order to lay a foundation for world revolution. Although this model has the advantage of conceiving a big picture under a concentration of power, there are many profound defects in following this model, such as causing institutional rigidities, resource constraints, and a lack of vitality . . . . The failure of socialism in the world since the 1980s is not the failure of the socialist path itself, but the failure of the “Stalin model.” 

In contrast, the reason that socialism with Chinese characteristics was able to revive and become more vital since the 1980s is because the CCP has established and followed a peaceful development path ever since it adopted the reform and opening up policy, which was after the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee took place. Through the reform and opening up, the room for the development of China’s socialism has widened, so that it can take advantage of the strategic opportunities brought about by globalization and the new technological revolution, thus adding strong impetus to China’s development. The peaceful development path is not only a breakthrough in the traditional socialist path, but also a breakthrough in the traditional capitalist path. It is the external realization of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

Thirty years experience of adopting the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics has proven that China’s development is inseparable from the rest of the world. As a less developed country, to build socialism we must anchor together with the capitalist world, adhere to an open, peaceful development path, seek cooperation through an open policy, develop through cooperation, and achieve mutual benefit and development based on common interests with the other countries of the world. Only in this way…can we advance the magnificent undertaking of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Therefore, to strengthen socialism in China by extensively participating in the labor division in the international arena, to obtain nutrition from “the body of capitalism” by opening up to the world, and to advance socialism with Chinese characteristics through cooperation with the entire capitalist system, are the essence of China’s peaceful development path, the core of the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics. 

The peaceful development path is not only a breakthrough in the isolated and revolutionary traditional socialist path, but also a breakthrough in the traditional capitalist path that is based on expanding outwards and shifting crises. It is not a path of seeking hegemony, nor is it a path of waging war. Rather it is a path to promote world peace and world harmony. China’s adhering to the peaceful development path is determined by the characteristic of globalization, China’s own internal development needs, and the goals and tasks of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

Since the 15th century, none of the development paths of the world’s major capitalist powers were peaceful paths, but rather paths full of overseas colonization, external plundering, expansion and even military invasion.  However, since the 1980s, along with the development of globalization, international competition has been switching to competition of overall national power and creation of a peaceful international environment. The competition is centered on competing resources of technology, talent, raw materials and other factors of production, rather than a debate about social system and ideology. In the race between socialism and capitalism, the core competitiveness of socialism with Chinese characteristics comes from self-development via seeking a peaceful international environment, providing needed markets, capital, technology, talent, raw materials, and other important factors for China’s development, and the enhancement of society’s recognition of the national identity. It also comes from China’s active participation in establishing and improving the new international rules and standards, safeguarding the new, just, peaceful and stable international order, establishing a harmonized world of long lasting peace and prosperity with other countries, and increasing China’s influence and appeal to the international community.  Therefore, the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics is very different from the modernization path that the world’s major capitalist powers have walked through.

China’s choice of the peaceful development path is also the only choice of globalization. The development of globalization has tied China closely to the rest of the world. China’s development is inseparable from the world. Dependencies on international trade, international investment, and other aspects of social life are all on the rise; the cost would be extraordinarily high for China to elect a non-peaceful development path. Therefore, China cannot follow the footprint of Germany and Japan to accumulate resources at any cost by expanding externally and starting a war, because in the globalization era, the damage a country creates to the world development environment will also negatively impact the country itself, and even lead to the retrogression of the country’s comprehensive national power and its social development. In the era of globalization, the relationship between the socialist countries and the capitalist countries is no longer “who wins and who looses; who lives and who dies,” but rather the co-existent relationship of “you have me, I have you,” and a relationship of “cooperation when there is competition, and competition when there is cooperation.”  Therefore, the main task of socialism with Chinese characteristics is not to eradicate or replace capitalism, but to effectively use capitalism to serve the development of socialism.

In fact, what the international community worries about most is not China showing its military power in the future, because the combined Western powers are sufficient to meet a challenge from China alone. What they are concerned about most is that China expedites the implementation of the socialist modernization goals through its unremitting efforts. Once the goals and ideals become a reality, China’s practice will prove incontrovertibly that capitalism is not the only choice of human history. Any country will be able to learn from the experience of the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics, choose the socialist path that fits its own characteristics, and ultimately implement its own historic mission of achieving national prosperity and national rejuvenation. In this way, the prediction of “the end of history” will be declared to be a complete failure and the balance of international power will change to be more favorable to socialist development. This is the most lethal weapon for the capitalist world and definitely what the Capitalist countries do not want to see.

The peaceful development path is the only way that socialism with Chinese characteristics needs to take.  This is determined by China’s basic national condition of remaining at the primary stage of socialism for a long time. China is a socialist country. Practice has proved that only socialism can make China develop, and only socialism can solve the fundamental problem of 1.2 billion people reaching prosperity. However, China’s socialism is not as Marxism envisaged, that socialism grows out of the most developed Capitalist society. Instead, it is established through revolution in the most backward semi-feudal and semi-colonial society. Building socialism in China cannot avoid a fundamental situation. That is, China will remain at socialism’s primary stage for a long time. As for development, China faces greater pressure and more severe challenges than any other country. It cannot avoid pressure because of relatively limited resources, and a relatively large population. Thus, for a fairly long period of time, developing socialism in China must focus on the development of productivity. Development is the top priority for the CCP to govern and rejuvenate the nation. . . . We need to be able to endure loneliness. No matter how the international situation changes and no matter how other countries comment, always adhering to the peaceful development path is the inherent requirement of socialism with Chinese characteristics.   

From the worldwide perspective, the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics is constrained by the international system that has long been dominated by capitalism, making the fight for a peaceful international environment the primary task of socialism with Chinese characteristics. In particular, since the late 1980s, the socialist movement in the world went into valleys. In contrast, capitalism has shown considerably strong development vitality, with the globalization wave, the rapid technological revolution, an information network-based “knowledge economy,” and the creation of more efficient social productivity. The power between capitalism and socialism in the world is out of balance.

In front of such an imbalanced situation, there is no way for China alone to challenge the entire capitalist world. The vitality of China’s socialism depends entirely on China’s own development, and depends on China’s economic strength and social improvements. Only when we use any opportunities that we can possibly use to boost domestic development, to develop China, and to target reaching a higher level every few years, can we have a voice in international affairs, and prove the superiority of Socialism. . . . Thus, the competition between socialism with Chinese characteristics and capitalism is not on the war battlefield, but on its strength in the development path and its stamina in the future. China does not need to pursue winning over the opponent with the military. There is no need to seek hegemony, or to be overly concerned about so-called world influence. As long as China can fully take advantage of the “strategic period” of the peaceful international environment to grow itself, the superiority of socialism with Chinese characteristics will naturally be shown. In recent years, the international community’s heated discussion on “China’s rise,” the praise of the “China model,” and the attention paid to China’s strength, are the result of China’s 30 years of continuous, rapid and peaceful development. Recognizing this point is very important to understanding the significance of China’s peaceful development path of socialism with Chinese characteristics.
 
The peaceful development path has set the basic road map for socialism with Chinese characteristics: overseas, seeking cooperation as much as possible with the developed capitalist countries at all levels in order to win time, resources and opportunities for the development of socialism with Chinese characteristics; domestically, actively expediting the process of the market economy, developing various forms of the non-public economy, and maximizing the productivity of the capitalist market economy, to provide a solid foundation for the development and growth of socialism. Therefore, China’s peaceful development path is the external form of socialism with Chinese characteristics. The nature of socialism with Chinese characteristics is essentially peaceful development. These two are different forms of the same path. In practice, they are the outside and inside of the same thing, supporting each other, and serving the magnificent undertaking of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

Endnote:
[1] http://www.studytimes.com.cn/WebPage/ny1.aspx?act=0&id=3037&bid=2

The National Video Teleconference on Political and Legislative Affairs was held on December 18, 2009, at 3:00 p.m. The attendees included key party leaders and government officials from the central, provincial, prefectural, and county levels. Meng Jianzhu, the Minister of Public Security (MPS), hosted the three-hour long meeting. Those who spoke at the meeting include Zhou Yongkang, member of the Standing Committee Politburo, head of the Committee on Political and Legislative Affairs of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (CCCCP) and the Committee for Comprehensive Management of Public Security, and leader of the Steering Group on Stability Preservation Work; Wang Shengjun, President of the Supreme Court; Cao Jianming, Procurator-General of the Supreme Procuratorate; Yang Huanning, Executive Vice Minister of Public Security; and Wu Aiying, Minister of Justice. The MPS report lists six key tasks for year 2010.

I. Effectively Grasp the Initiative in the Combat against the Enemies

Further enhance our political sensitivity and discernment. Do in-depth studies to accurately grasp the new changes and new characteristics of the enemies’ current situations. Vigorously strengthen intelligence and intelligence operations. Strive to anticipate and prevent the enemies’ actions, and prevail by using preemptive strikes.

First, we need to strengthen the task of securing our ideological field. We should closely monitor the key people, effectively control their activities, constrict their movement space as much as possible, and weaken the effectiveness of their activity. To those enemies inside China and overseas who dare to challenge the bottom line of our political system with illegal and criminal activities, we must strike them with the law, taking a clear-cut stand.

Second, we must do everything we can to safeguard the social stability in Xinjiang and Tibet. We need to conscientiously implement the spirit of the upcoming CCCCP’s Fifth Forum on Tibetan Tasks as well as the CCCCP’s Forum on Xinjiang Tasks; properly handle the critical relationships between the short term and long term, domestic and overseas issues, and the struggle against the enemy and contradictions among our own people; comprehensively strengthen the working mechanism and grass roots level infrastructures on maintaining Xinjiang and Tibet’s stability; and continuously improve the ability to initiate combat, prevent attacks, and handle emergencies. All levels of Tibetan public security authorities need to take further effective measures to strengthen management on all aspects in the community, strengthen the control of key temples and people, insist on beating down the Dalai clique’s sabotage, and make sure to maintain the stability of Tibet and other Tibetan areas.

Third, we must be firm and determined to crack down on the sabotage by “Falun Gong” and other organizations. It is necessary to focus on the fight against “Falun Gong” and dig deep into its underground organization to further weaken its revival ability. Use the law to strengthen the monitoring and control of key people in the religious field and effectively fight against the hostile forces who use religion to infiltrate and sabotage activities inside and outside China.

Fourth, we must pay great attention to combat against the so-called “human rights defenders.” We need to effectively strengthen investigations at the grass roots level, identify those hostile overseas organizations and the key domestic individuals taking part in so called “defending human rights” activities, cut off their communication channels, prevent individuals from becoming leaders of human rights defense groups, prevent the formation of human rights defense organizations, and prevent them from forming an influential force. To those leaders and backbone individuals who stir up others in the name of “defending human rights,” we must strengthen educating, transforming, and controlling them. If they are incorrigible, we need to collect evidence and handle them using legal provisions. For all kinds of “human rights defense” groups, overseas groups, and non-governmental groups, who are funded, controlled, and supported by the Western hostile forces to engage in defending human rights and in infiltration and sabotage activities, we must coordinate with relevant authorities to closely monitor them as well as monitor their agents and their affiliated groups.

Fifth, we need to intensify the fight online. Crack down on illegal online activities such as forming political parties and communities, as well as the spread of illegal information to stir up others. We must do everything to stop the spread of harmful information, and prevent the hostile forces and individuals from establishing online fronts that could eventually form a force. To those who use the Internet and other new media to attack the party and the government and attempt to create ideological confusion, once discovered, they should be immediately deleted or blocked. Then we need to investigate it online and detect their physical location as soon as possible. We need to effectively integrate various resources and step up control of the Internet. The Internet police force needs to be extended to the county-level; their online patrol effort needs to reach toward relatively weak areas such as the online QQ groups and Twitters. We must enhance our effort to improve online detection, supervision, control, and handling abilities, prevent the formation of covert criminal organizations, and prevent the formation of destructive forces that could stir up society.

II. Actively Prevent and Appropriately Handle Major Massive Social Unrest

First, thoroughly carry out the work to resolve conflicts and disputes.

Second, establish and improve the mechanism for dealing with emergency situations.

Third, focus on improving on-site handling ability.

Fourth, strengthen the development of emergency support.

III. Fully Implement Public Security’s Management and Control Measures

First, insist on the “strike hard” policy to harshly crack down on all serious criminal activities.
Second, follow the unified arrangements of the Committee for Comprehensive Management of Public Security to fix critical security issues and carry out the cleanup of places with poor public security. The focus is on suburban areas, critical residential areas inside cities, small hotels, rental houses, KTV and ballrooms, bath and massage houses, and hair salons.

Third, focus on strengthening the management of key populations, key items, and key sites; be determined to prevent loopholes in the areas of management and control. The key population includes the mobile population, high-risk individuals that could potentially be involved in violence and terrorist groups, individuals with criminal records who have a tendency to take revenge on communities, and mental patients who are likely to make trouble. Key items include firearms and ammunition, dangerous explosives, and regulated cutlery. Key sites include entertainment places, the market place, hotels, and Internet services.
Fourth, build a street-level monitoring network and actively promote a dynamic prevention and control system for public security. We will strive for completing this prevention and control system at the provincial, municipal, and county levels within three years, starting next year.

IV. Do Well in the Security Work for the Shanghai World Expo and the Guangzhou Asian Games

V. Further Promote the “Three Basics” Project and the “Three Developments” [3]

First, accelerate the development of information technology in public security departments. Build a “Grand Intelligence” information system [2] in public security government organs and comprehensively promote the second stage of the “Golden Shield Project.” Strive to finish the intelligence information platform at the provincial, municipal, and county levels before the end of next year.
 
Second, vigorously strengthen the development of standard law enforcement procedure.

Third, strive to build a harmonious relationship between the police and the public.

Fourth, further strengthen the grass roots development of public security work.

VI. Further Strengthen and Improve the Public Security Team

First, further enhance the efforts in education and training. For next year, focus on doing a good job in running the three training classes for directors of municipal police stations, political directors of provincial and municipal public security authorities, and leaders of provincial and municipal information departments of the public security authorities. The provincial and municipal public security authorities shall give extensive training to all grass roots level police station chiefs.

Second, further intensify supervision and management.

Third, further increase benefits to police officers.

The state security authorities’ “people’s defense” and the “610” Office’s task arrangements will be covered in another meeting.

Endnotes:
[1] Source: Chinascope.
[2] The “Grand Intelligence” information system is a system shared by all police and public security personnel throughout China.
[3]The “Three Basics” project refers to:
Focus on the basic level of police forces, improve the basic infrastructure of the police work, and train every policeman in basic skills.
“Three Developments” refers to:
Development of information technology in the public security system; development of standard law enforcement procedures; development of a harmonious relationship between the police and the public.

Analyzing the changing and developing environment is a basic premise of research on and finding solutions for all the contemporary issues the Chinese military faces. From now into the near future, under both domestic and international forces, the Chinese military is at a special period defined by four stages.

(A) A stage in which the military faces the challenge of transformation
     
At the beginning of the 21st century, the new military transformation gradually entered into a phase of qualitative change. Under its impact, international competition has become more intense in the military field; major countries around the world further have accelerated the pace of military transformation. In a struggle for world hegemony and a full range of military superiority, the U.S. has accelerated its implementation of the global military strategic adjustment and military transformation. Russia has also speeded up its military reform in recent years, with significant success in modernizing weaponry and professionalizing the armed forces. Britain, France, Germany and neighboring countries, including India, Japan, and South Korea have also adopted an array of new measures in the military. Driven by the new global military revolution, the modern military will continue to change in weaponry, combat models, organizational structure, and military theory. Information technology weapons will become a key factor in combat capability; new weapons will be developed at an accelerating speed; medium-to-long-range precision strikes will increasingly show the military’s power; non-linear, non-contact combat will become the main operational mode; the combat field will be multi-dimensional with land, sea, air and the electromagnetic field, with integrated joint operations becoming the basic form of combat; “network-centric warfare” and other new combat theories will gradually be applied to real combat, shaping the information warfare. Light, multi-functional, modular, intelligent forces are paving the way for future development, and an informationalized armed forces is entering the stage.

With the deepening of the new military transformation, the imbalance of global strategic forces will be intensified. In human history, the advantage of Western countries’ guns and cannons over swords and spears in Asian, African and Latin American countries has turned into that of Western countries’ information technology over the developing countries’ mechanized and semi-mechanized technology. This torrent of global military transformation poses a serious challenge to the Chinese army. To avoid the tragedy of swords and spears against guns and cannons, China must continue to accelerate the pace of its military transformation.

(B) A stage of broadened strategic missions

Eying the new historic conditions and new epochal requirements, Comrade Hu Jintao has proposed the military’s historic mission for the new century and new stage: “To provide solid assurance for the CCP to strengthen its ruling position, to provide a strong security guarantee for national development in this important strategic period, to provide strategic support for the expansion of national interests, and to safeguard world peace and play an important role in promoting joint development.”

In the new stage and the new century, the meaning and scope of China’s national security is continuously expanding, gradually from the “security of national sovereignty” to the “security of national interests,” from “three-dimensional space security” to “multi-dimensional space security,” from the traditional security field to political security, systemic security, economic security, science and technological security, social security, cultural security, information security, ideological security, military security and many other arenas. Generally speaking, China is endowed with a good environment and conditions for peaceful development; however national security issues are becoming more comprehensive, complex and volatile in nature. Many threats are intertwined:  traditional security threats and non-traditional security threats, realistic threats and potential threats, military security forms and other security forms, domestic security issues and international security issues, which together constitute the overall situation of China’s national security. In such a complex security situation, military security is in a particularly important position. The missions and tasks of the military must evolve with the development of the country, and extend with the expansion of the national strategic interests.

(C) A stage of complicated environment for military buildup

China’s military forces are operating in China’s overall environment. The contemporary social reform has entered into a crucial phase, characterized by the “restlessness of modernization.” During this period, some deep conflicts that accumulated during the reform and opening up are prominent. Various ideologies and cultures clash; all kinds of social conflicts interact; industrial structures rapidly adjust; the social fabric dramatically changes; the gap between rich and poor further widens; and unstable factors in society increase. Compared with other developed countries, China is unique because social transformation and institutional transition started at the same time. Economic, social, political, cultural, and ecological conflicts are intertwined and complicated, making China a typical high-risk society. … Revolution in military affairs is not taking place in a vacuum, but rather in a complex social environment. All kinds of unhealthy social thoughts and trends will inevitably be reflected in the military sphere to varying degrees. In addition, the outside hostile forces view the army as a great barrier to its strategic schemes to “westernize” or “divide” China. They advocate “separating the military and the party,” “depoliticizing the army,” and “nationalization of the military.” In essence, they attempt to corrupt our military forces ideologically and politically, and to separate our army from the party’s leadership, in order to subvert our country’s socialist system and the Communist Party’s ruling status. The above factors indicate that we are in a stage of complicated environment for military buildup.

(D) A stage of looming internal conflicts

In response to the serious challenge of the global military transformation, China initiated military reform with Chinese characteristics on a relatively weak foundation. Chinese military forces entered a time of major restructuring, showing conflicts and characteristics inherent to a typical transformation period, which can be summarized as follows: the old system is broken; the new system has not yet formed; weapons and equipment, operational theory, personnel structure, organizational structure, and education and training are all undergoing a major transition. Both old and new conflicts are intertwined; deep-rooted problems have surfaced; many have emerged and the emerging issues must be resolved; foreseeable or unforeseeable problems may occur at any time; and the task of reform or change is very heavy and arduous. Specifically speaking, the contemporary Chinese military is facing a series of conflicts and complex problems: conflict between backward scientific and technological personnel and weapons and equipment of a modern level, between the current military system and future development, between the military policy and developing a socialist market economy, and between the military’s capabilities and its mission. It is the Chinese military’s historic task to effectively solve a series of conflicts within the army buildup.
 
The above-mentioned “four stages” are intertwined, influencing and constraining each other. They constitute the coordinators of the new era for China’s military forces. In such a coordinated system, the contemporary Chinese military inevitably faces three complex strategic relationships.

(1) The coincidence of “double transformation”: military transformation and social change
 
The interaction of military transformation and social transition is an important “Chinese characteristic” that differentiates China from other countries, especially Western countries, China thus faces extremely complex issues that Western countries never faced. The military transformation in U.S.-led Western countries was carried out in a quite mature market economy and stable social environment, with the social risks associated with a period of the “restlessness of modernization” nonexistent. There was no significant conflict between military transformation and socio-economic transition; the transformation in these countries’ military field was “a single change.” In contrast, China’s military transformation is carried out in the macro environment of social changes, conflicts during military transformation, and conflicts during socio-economic transition interacting with each other. The nation is experiencing a “double transformation” in both the military field and the social system. In particular, the immature economic environment and unstable social environment during this period will inevitably have China’s military transformation facing a number of conflicts and issues that Western countries never encountered.

(2) The coexistence of the “dual task” of mechanization development and information technology buildup

From the perspective of China’s own military development under the current situation, the core issue to be solved is the modernization of China’s military. Modernization is a dynamic development concept, with different special implications in different time periods. The most essential feature of the current military modernization is information technology modernization, which is the strategic objective that militaries from all over the world strive to achieve during the global trend of military transformation. In the West, and in particular the U. S., its military transformation towards information technology modernization is taking place after its military has achieved a high degree of mechanization. Therefore, the U.S military only faces a “single task” of how to modernize the information technology. By contrast, China’s military hasn’t finished the mechanization part, but needs to move towards information technology modernization at the same time. Therefore, China’s military inevitably faces problems of “dual buildup.” This is one of most important features that China’s military has to face at the initial stage of transformation. It is a major problem that cannot be avoided by China’s military during its development.

(3) The “dual capacity” of winning wars and carrying out non-war military operations
 
The ability to win a war is an army’s core military capability, which is determined by the nature of the army’s functions. The top priority of the Chinese army’s buildup is to be able to win a war at all times. However, beginning from the 1990s, non-traditional security threats have increased significantly. They have become a major security threat to human society, and thus have raised new demands on the army’s military capabilities. Normally speaking, the concept of non-traditional security threats is in relation to traditional threats, which mainly refer to threats of war breakouts that a nation, an ethnic group, or a political group face, or even that the international community faces. Non-traditional security threats are threats, other than a war or a military threat, that any sovereign state and human society face for its survival and development. They include  threats involving institutional security, terrorism, major natural disasters, the outbreak of contagious diseases, economic and financial security, ecological security, energy and resource security, culture and information security, smuggling and drug trafficking, transnational crimes, and illegal immigration. Many of these threats are within the scope of or related to military operations. The military faces a series of new operation modes, including operations of anti-terrorism, maintaining stability, peacekeeping, disaster rescue, border control, protection of public transportation, international aid, evacuation and protection for overseas citizens, information support, and international joint military exercises. Thus, non-war military capability is an important parameter to measure the military’s capacity to deal with non-traditional security threats.

In the crisscross of history and reality, China’s military faces a series of complex strategic issues, which can be summarized in three topics.

(1) Scientifically coordinate both the military transformation and social transition, coordinate the reform and development of elements within military system against the background that both national economic and defense development have entered into a crucial stage.

In the current society, the army must face a reality: at the historic stage of social transition, the revolution in the military cannot exceed the range of what is allowed by the extent of social changes, and cannot cause any political or social instability. In this sense, tackling China’s military needs is no longer determined by the military’s own situation. Whether a number of major military policies can be timely issued is more dependent upon what is tolerated by the social transitions, especially the transitions at the current crucial stage. From the national level point of view, when important reforms are taking place in several major areas, how to handle the relationship between military transformation and social transition, so as to match the reforms in political, economic, and other areas, is an important issue that has to be resolved during China’s overall development and progress. If these problems cannot be correctly resolved, the process of national development and military buildup will both be seriously affected.
 
 At the same time, it’s necessary to scientifically coordinate various elements within the army system. Military buildup includes quite rich contents, the major issues being the development of four elements (weapons and equipment, military personnel, organizational structure, and combat theories). With the rise of the nation’s comprehensive power, and science and technology level, the army’s weapons and equipment have made a leap forward. However, it is worth noting that our armed forces may suffer losses or lead to historic tragedies in future operations by only focusing on the weapons and equipment while neglecting other aspects, or by not coordinating well with other factors. . . . Therefore, from a historic and practical point of view, being guided by the Concept of Scientific Development and comprehensively coordinating the development of the four elements is the basis for deepening military reform elements.
 
(2) The improvement of the armed forces’ capabilities to win the information warfare, and to carry out non-war operations against the background that the world’s military revolution is experiencing rapid development. National security is under multidimensional threats.

The ability to win wars and other military abilities are components of our military’s capacity to carry out diversified military tasks. Experience has proved that the ability to win the war is the basis of other military capabilities. Conversely, other military capabilities help empower the capacity to win the war. However, there are three main differences between the two. First, the objectives are different: the ability to win wars directly serves the purpose of war, and responding to traditional security threats, while other military capabilities serve other operations, mainly responding to non-traditional security threats. Secondly, the content is different: the core military capability buildup and other military capacity buildup are different in theoretical research, commanding system, strength buildup, organizational structure, equipment, and laws and regulations. Thirdly, requirements are different: under normal times, there are signs when a war is about to break out and opportunities for the military to prepare, while non-war military operations deal with sudden and emergent situations, focusing on the preparation on a daily basis and a quick response to emergencies.

The connection and contrast of the two military capacities requires that China’s armed forces must coordinate well between developing the capacity to win a war and the capacity to carry out other military tasks. Non-war military, based on being able to win a war, has its own special laws to follow, including theories, human resources, equipment, and combat tactics. It is necessary to highly emphasize researching the specialties of non-war military capacities due to its particular focus, policy, and profession. At the same time, one needs to avoid prioritizing the non-war military capacities to an improper level. Our military must deal with a variety of security threats, the primary being invasion, subversion, or secession. In other words, the traditional security threats are still major factors affecting national security and development. Overemphasis of the importance of non-war capacities and playing down war preparations may cause damage and irreparable loss to our nation and military forces.

(3) Ensure that our military is under the party’s command and at the service of the people, against the background of ever-deepening reform and opening up
 
First, insist on equipping the whole army with party’s innovative theory. Our army is a people’s army that is under the party’s absolute leadership, and under the party’s banner. It is our army’s infrastructure and long term strategic task to consistently equip the army with theory, to help officers and soldiers strengthen their ideals and beliefs, and to forge a strong spiritual backbone for our army, for the purpose of maintaining a firm and correct political direction for the advanced nature of the army.
 
Secondly, always put the ideological and political work as the top priority. Under the new circumstance, the social environment and conditions to carry out the ideological and political work have gone through profound changes, with the work’s areas, targets, and tasks being very different from before. The new situation thus requires to continue exploring and grasping the laws in the ideological and political work that fit the new age, and to do the job with more relevance, effectiveness, and initiative, so as to maximize its service to the army.
 
Thirdly, unswervingly adhere to the party’s leadership of the army and a series of fundamental systems. The highest military leadership and command orders come from the Central Committee of the Chinese Community Party and the Central Military Commission; the party committees at different levels within the military should adhere to the organizational principle of Democratic Centralism; (army units) should implement a unified collective leadership under the party committees; units above the regiment level should establish a political commissar and political organs; each company should have its own party branch. These elements constitute a rigorous, scientific, and integrated system to achieve the party’s integration with the military structure, implement the integration of the party’s leadership and the military’s administrative leadership, and provide a solid organizational assurance for the party to exercise it absolute leadership over the armed forces.

Endnote:
[1] Study Times, October 26, 2009
http://www.studytimes.com.cn/WebPage/ny1.aspx?act=0&id=3008&bid=7

“At present, the new socialist ethnic relationship in the ethnic regions, along with political stability, solidarity and common prosperity, have basically been established. But the fight of anti-separatists and the social security situation in ethnic minority areas are still grim. Under the cover of ‘national independence,’ religious extremists, ethnic separatist forces, and international terrorists on the one hand openly or secretly create public opinion, and confuse and poison people’s minds; on the other hand they vigorously conduct violent terrorist activities and undermine social stability. In some places, there has even been serious violent looting, and group fighting. How to accurately determine and grasp the new features that will impact western ethnic unity and social stability, and then take positive and effective measures to properly deal with ethnic relations will have great significance for further strengthening national unity, safeguarding the motherland’s reunification, and promoting national development and comprehensive progress in minority areas.

New Features That Presently Affect Social Stability in Western Ethnic Regions

1. The significance of international, geographic and political factors. Since the 1990’s, the unrest in the international situation, the rampant terrorist activities, and the expansion of religious extremist forces have provided the growing space and soil for the separatist forces in the border ethnic regions. According to official statistics, at present, there are about 50 Xinjiang ethnic separatist organizations or groups abroad and they hold activities in dozens of countries. These separatist organizations carry out reactionary propaganda in the U.S. and Europe, and infiltrate into China through the mail using printed materials and audio-visual products, radio broadcasts, the Internet, and other channels. In Central Asia and South Asia, they have smuggled arms and drugs, infiltrated personnel, and directly organized, directed and carried out violence and terrorist activities. They have an extremely complicated international background.

2. New conflicts from the market economy and social transformation. Since the reform and opening, with the constant development of the socialist market economic system, the impact of the laws of the market economy, including the intensifying social transformation, people’s mobility, the competition for resources, and the diversity of social interests have created new contradictions and problems for work and life in the multi-ethnic region. Since the educational and cultural undertakings in ethnic areas are still under development, the nine-year compulsory education is not widely available. There are serious problems for the young children, who stay out of school and drop out of school. The improvement of the minority’s culture quality is affected. It is difficult (for the minorities) to adapt to job competition under the market economy and their communication with other ethnic groups are affected. At the same time, with the influence of the market economy, in order to find employment opportunities and increase income, more and more minorities move into the inland and the coastal cities to obtain work and do business. In the eastern and central cities where the Han dominate, because the cadres lack proper understanding and the related policies and regulations are not in place, minorities’ interests and demands do not received enough attention and have thus not been implemented. Examples include the employment problems of minority migrant workers, the problems of their children going to school, the problems of their political rights and livelihood, etc. Currently, there are no corresponding policies to resolve these problems, which often cause these minorities to express discontent and affect ethnic unity and stability.

3. The negative impact of development patterns. To accelerate economic development, our government carried out a series of large-scale projects in the minority areas, such as the construction of reservoirs, power plants, railways, and highways, and so on. In order to complete these projects, ethnic minority people have made tremendous sacrifices. But some companies often only paid attention to construction speed, regardless of ecological and environmental protection, and caused a lot of pollution and destruction. Because China’s resources and the ecological compensation mechanism are not well established, these projects brought more benefits to the country but few benefits to local minorities. For example, as the standard compensation for land expropriation is low, the subsidies given to the migration residents in the reservoirs areas for their resettlement are not enough. The income from power plants has not been shared enough with the local minority groups, or was not shared at all. In this regard, the minority people have strong opinions. To some extent, this deepened the minority people’s ‘sense of deprivation’ and their dissatisfaction. In some places, these things have resulted in conflicts with the government or with relevant departments. A handful of ethnic separatists use these kinds of problems to agitate and thus endanger social stability and ethnic unity.

4. Cultural conflicts have become prominent factors that cause social instability. Different ethnic groups in the western areas live under very different social environments. For a long time, they have had different economic lives, systems, cultures and social relations. There has been a lack of internal unity and social integration among all ethnic groups, and the heterogeneity has been strongly displayed. A common geographic area has not formed a common culture and the various cultures lack interaction and interdependence. (Different ethnic groups) have difficulty communicating, but easily have contradictions and conflicts, which affects social stability. For example, some Han comrades know little about customs and habits of ethnic minorities (including contraindications), so they lack respect; some Han cadres who work long-term in ethnic minority areas do not want to learn the ethnics’ languages, and some even look down upon their languages. Thus it is harder for them to do their jobs, and it also affects the improvement of ethnic relationships. Some minority comrades easily attach too much importance to their customs and treat them as political issues. They consider the inadvertent violation of their customs by a number of Han comrades as acts of political discrimination against minorities, leading to an increase in the psychological barrier between both sides.

Analysis of the Cause of Frequent Social Stability Problems in Ethnic Regions

1. The predominance of conflicts of interest causes social instability. Social stability problems in ethnic minority areas are largely due to poverty, and the imbalance of regional economic development deepens ethnic misconceptions. With the growth of interest groups, a group consciousness based on different ethnic groups pursuing different economic interests is also established. It gradually becomes the internal driving force for the activities of interest groups. Although the fundamental interests of the different interest groups are consistent, their specific interests and aspirations are clearly different. The distribution of interests leads to a clear differentiation in social status, power and wealth among members. The interest competition between different social strata and groups has become increasingly clear, which makes different ethnic groups very sensitive about their own interests. It creates psychological instability, and the potential factors that lead to social instability.

2. Institutional arrangements need to be improved. At present, dealing with the relationships between ethnic and class divisions, ethnic and country, as well as the ethnics’ own development problems, is based on the proper moral relationship between the ethnics, and is required to analyze and solve problems from a political perspective. This prompts the corresponding requirements of our country’s political structure and other important political systems. How our country’s political system can, on the one hand, properly reflect and take into account the desire of various ethnic groups to participate in the country’s management and protect the powers and rights of all ethnic groups, and on the other hand, effectively integrate various ethnic groups, ensure our country’s unity and authority, and have firm legal institutional arrangements, is a very important basic political issue impacting the continuous social stability and the sustained stability of the state. If not handled properly, not only can the ethnic issues not be effectively controlled, but they will also aggravate the conflicts between ethnic groups and between the ethnic groups and classes.

3. The negative effects of the acceleration of urbanization impact social stability. Urbanization is an important component of modernization. On the one hand, it promotes development in ethnic regions and fundamentally guarantees political stability in the regions. On the other hand, it is bound to have a dramatic impact on the existing political system, benefit distribution, traditional culture and social structure in the ethnic regions, and thus to some extent affect the political stability in ethnic regions. With the rapid progress of urbanization, from the horizontal point of view, the development gaps between the ethnic regions and the inland and coastal regions are constantly widening. From the realities of ethnic minority areas, urbanization has brought the issues of employment, mobile population management, social security, religions, etc, to the minority peoples. From a long-term perspective, urbanization may mitigate the imbalance of economic development between the Han and minorities, but in the meantime, the urban population in minority areas is low, the industrialization level is not high, the layout of urban space is irrational, basic production factors are short, and the living environment is deteriorating. In the short term, the existence of all these real conditions will bring more issues to the ethnic minorities, while adapting to rapid urbanization, and will thus become the economic factors that affect national social stability.

4. The management ability and the government’s policy adjustments lag behind. The division of interests makes the citizens have the desire to express their opinions and gain their own interests. At the same time, it enhances their consciousness of their rights, of the law, and of the competition with other groups. They expect to influence the actions and results of the regional autonomous government organizations that are making decisions for the public. They will strive to gain, be aware of, and protect their own interests. All these tendencies create pressure on the local government decision-making organization and challenge the governing ability of the government. As a matter of fact, the government lacks the ability and problem-solving approaches for the new phenomena and new characteristics appearing in the fields of the economy, politics and social life in the minority regions. This has easily led to a passive situation for the government in dealing with the work in those regions. We can learn many lessons from the “June 25th” episode in the Shaoguan region of Guangdong Province. [2] (About developing the coping strategies,) for example, introducing the local surplus labor from the minority regions in the west can both alleviate the shortage of workers in the developed areas in the east and increase the employment opportunities and the income of the minority groups. This is a win-win strategy. However, the enterprises and the relevant government organizations should enhance the consciousness of maintaining social stability. Under the situation that “the three forces”[3] are active, an issue that should be strongly emphasized is how to properly treat the relationship between the Han ethnic group (the majority) and the minorities, sufficiently realize its importance, effectively release the tension, communicate with each other and manage to prevent the occurrence of massive events.
 
5. The negative elements in a multi-culture affect social stability. Historically, the excellent cultures from different minority groups have mingled and merged with each other. The common Chinese culture was formed during that process and we value the unification of the country and oppose the separation of political powers. This kind of positive social psychological environment makes the minority groups in the west form the positive social and political mentality of equality, harmony, respect and unification between the different ethnic groups. However, some regions, at the same time, also have a negative social, cultural, and psychological environment. Thus they have developed mentalities that impede social development: self-protection, self-closure, a sense of inferiority, fear of risks, being self-content, local consciousness, and narrow-minded regional identification. They have also easily formed mentalities that affect social stability, such as egalitarianism, single nationality identification, strong discrimination against certain ethnic groups, and a separation of ethnic groups. Those mentalities may quickly spread, grow, and form a blind fanaticism, which induces social and political instability.

Strategies for the Stability of the Western Ethnic Minority Regions

1. Diligently construct an international political environment that is advantageous to us. Due to the complexity and volatility of the international situation and the competition among the political forces of the bordering countries in the west, we must sufficiently take advantage of all kinds of diplomatic resources, interact with the relevant countries, diligently nurture the exterior international environment that opposes separation and terrorism and try our best to minimize the living space for the forces that support separating the nation and terrorism.

2. Speed up economic and social development emphasizing improving the quality of life in the Western minority regions. At present, of the work to do, the most urgent and major task to enhance regional economic development is to speed up social development. The major element is living conditions, which is closely related to people’s happiness and satisfaction. We should solve the problems of getting their basic needs met in regards to food, clothing, shelter, transportation and their safety. We especially should establish a social welfare system that covers all the people in the cities and countryside. Only when the people in the west benefit from social development can we truly build harmonious relationships among different ethnic groups and different social strata, enhance identification with the big Chinese nationality, and lay a solid social foundation for realizing the regional stability of the western minority regions.

3. Vigorously improve the governing and management ability of the local government in the minority regions. The local government should adopt effective measures to improve the quality of public policies. Currently, it is a test for the governing ability of the local government with regard to how to transform the farmers who returned home after working in the cities as temporary workers into a force to advance the economic development in local regions so that they will not produce pressure (on the government) and become a burden to the economy. The government should improve the executive power of policies, enhance policy transparency and responsibility and form a new style of cooperative relationship with the minorities in order to realize long term peace and order in minority regions. In addition, we should speed up the development of the social stability warning system in minority regions so that we can correctly judge the actual situation of social stability, predict and provide warnings about instability factors in time, and provide information and support for the relevant government departments to plan and implement effective measures to maintain social stability and prevent risks affecting social stability.

4. Fully take advantage of the political and economic elites among the minorities as the “Social Stabilizer.” In minority regions, the minority cadres are elites in constructing a united system in relation to political order and political development, and they are local political elites. They have increasingly realized the importance of involvement, management, power and mobilization. We cannot underestimate their influence on the minority political system. They will directly or indirectly influence the order of the minority political process and the continuity of the minority system. We should give them sufficient trust and let them proactively function (in local politics). They generally have good relationships with other people in society, are models for the lower level people to follow, have a relatively large impact on the lower classes in minority groups, and are realistic candidates for us to use to alleviate and dissolve social conflicts. In addition, the well-off middle class in minority regions generally have a moderate reforming attitude toward society, are rational and practical, and are basically not likely to have radical emotions or behaviors in ethnic and religious conflicts; therefore, they also have the function of alleviating different kinds of social conflicts.

5. Enhance the development of a new model of multi-dimensional and unified minority culture. The traditional minority culture with distinctive characteristics contains enormous spiritual wealth and knowledge. We should discover, modify and reform the culture so that it can play an important role in developing socialism with Chinese characteristics, make it develop according to the direction of maintaining social stability, and prevent it from “splitting” the culture of the nation into multiple ethnic groups. First, we need to discover, absorb and learn from multiple ethnic cultures, and create and establish a complete value system and a core ideology that adapts to the socialist market economy and that is acknowledged by all ethnic groups. Second, we need to fully use the positive effect of the traditional ethnic culture, for example, the effect of punishing evil and praising good that it plays in the work of suppressing the use of drugs. Third, we should use the political value of democracy, equality, freedom, fairness, and righteousness as the reference system and take the modern social economical, political and cultural needs into consideration to allocate modern elements to the traditional minority culture and eliminate their mentality of being “people of lower class value,” “people who should be obedient,” and “the people who are servants” among the western minority groups and build up modern citizen characteristics. Fourth, we should continuously eliminate the negative impact of the narrow minded ethnic consciousness (on society) and develop a positive, proactive, healthy and beneficial culture with ethnic characteristics. Last, we should integrate the sources for multi-dimensional ethnic culture and promote the formation of the common wealth of various ethnic cultures.

6. Enhance the management of minority affairs according to the law. First, we should protect the dignity and power of the constitution and the law. Any individual, any organization, and any group should act within the regulations of the constitution and the law. The minority autonomous regions are no exception. Second, we should establish and implement regulations that are complementary to the laws of the minority regions as soon as possible, and quickly establish and implement augmented regulations and laws and other practically needed laws and regulations for minority groups that correspond to laws of the autonomous minority region, for the eventual formation of an intact minority legislative system. Third, we should regulate and perfect the recognized law of the minority regions. Under the premise of insisting on the national law, we should refer to the relative content in ethnic and religious recognized law to establish a viable common law that can maintain the excellent culture of the minority groups as well as ensure the authority and compulsory nature of the national law and regulations. Last, we should ensure the effective implementation of minority laws and regulations and forcefully crack down on the various illegal and criminal activities that endanger the harmony and stability in the minority region.

Endnotes:
[1] Study Times, October 26, 2009
http://www.studytimes.com.cn/WebPage/ny1.aspx?act=0&id=3005&bid=4
[2] For an in depth analysis of this incident, see: http://chinascope.org/main/content/view/1904/148/
[3] The “three forces” are terrorism, separatism and extremism

    
The transformation of the army symbolizes that the new military reform has advanced from the thinking stage to the action stage and from theory to practical movements. The transformation is from a mechanized army to an informationized army.

The new military reforms that are continuously happening in the world are caused by the wide application of new technologies, especially information technology, to the military field. The future of reform is to informationize the army. There are several concepts that should be clarified. 

Informationization refers to the process of the improving the organizational structure of the army, the flow of commands, and the reform of war strategies and war operational strategies under the direction of the new thoughts and theories (information war theory and information war regulations), with the new technology cluster having information technology as the core. The development of an informationized army refers to the process of imbedding information technology in the army, while maintaining the original army organizational structure, and the flow of commands and war strategies. Those are relatively simple strategic applications of information technology.

Developing an informationized army refers to the process of forming a new combat capacity with the assistance of information technology to change thoughts about combat, organizational structure, command processes and combat methods so that they are under the direction of the new thoughts and theories. This is the strategic application of information technology. Analyzing the concepts shows that imformationization is not merely a technical issue. Instead, it is a complete process of military innovation. The blueprint for informationization of the army cannot be drawn only by the experts in technology. A scientific design can only be made through the joint efforts of military theorists, military commanders, scientists and experts in technological engineering.
  
The impact of information technology on the military field can be described as going through four stages.
    
Stage One. Information technology improves the function of the current military system so that the system can achieve a greater capacity. That is to say, without changing the structure of the mechanized army, we imbed the information technology to realize the informationization of the army. In this stage, the function of the information technology is to “develop,” and to strengthen its capacity, meaning to enhance and improve the combat ability of the mechanized army so that cooperation in the army is more seamless and communications are more convenient and efficient. The military reform in the United States in 1990’s was in such a stage.

Stage Two. The information technology’s function of breaking-through and reorganizing the army has been transformed from “development” to “disintegration and development,” meaning that the organization of the mechanized army will be disintegrated and a brand new organization will be developed. At that time, the army’s development of informationization will be transformed into the development of an informationized army. The reform of the army refers to this transformation. After entering the 21st century, the new military reforms in the world entered such a stage.

Stage Three. The new information technology or intelligent technology creates new combat machines such as the no-human combat platform, the robot army, and different kinds of intelligent weapons. The informationized army transforms into an intelligent technology army.

Stage Four. The information technology indirectly advances the development of new concept weapons such as laser weapons, nanometer weapons, and oriented energy weapons, which further refreshes the appearance of the national defense system and the army. “The last three stages have a fundamental impact on the military forces and are revolutionary.”

Military reform is propelled by the advancement of scientific technology. The critical part is the shift of the core military capacity caused by the core technology.

The technical reason for the defeat of the Beiyang Navy in the Sino-Japanese Jiawu War at the end of the 19th century was that its core military capacity was not as strong as that of the Japanese navy. Before the war, although the gross tonnage and the cannon caliber for the Beiyang Navy surpassed those of the Japanese navy, the firing speed of the German standard cannon was lower than that of the Japanese navy, which had the British standard canon. According to some material, the Japanese navy had 155 quick-fire weapons, but the Beiyang Navy had zero. The Japanese navy was able to fire 8-10 rounds of 120 millimeters quick-fire weapons and 5-6 rounds of 150 millimeters quick-fire weapons, which was twice as much as that of the Beiyang Navy. In terms of firing capability, the Japanese navy was five times as capable as the Beiyang Navy. In addition, the speed of the combat ships of the Beiyang Navy was slower than that of the Japanese navy. In the Pacific theatre of World War II, Japan succeeded in the Pearl Harbor attack. However, it failed to realize the reform of its navy. The US navy perceived the direction of the reform in naval warfare and realized that carrier-borne aircraft had become the core military capacity of naval wars. The U.S. defeated Japan at Midway Island. The winning U.S. navy designed a new combat strategy according to the new core military capacity. The result for the Israel and Syria Air War in 1982 was 0:82. The reason was that the core military capacity for the air war had been transferred into early-warning aircraft. The Syrian air force used the traditional air combat strategy which did not measure up to Israel’s air combat system.

During the time of mechanized warfare, the mechanical energy released by airplanes, tanks, warships and so on, greatly enhanced the weapons’ maneuverability. When three major war operational platforms are launched from three major spaces on the earth, then military theoreticians call the combat style “platform-centered warfare.” In the situation where the three major platforms have equivalent power, “maneuverability” became the center for innovation in the mechanized warfare period. In that case, the aeronautic technology became the core essential technological factor as it had the strongest maneuverability. The army with an airborne strategic advantage, without doubt, has the initiative and will dominate in the war. Afterward, the aeronautic technology, space technology, and the information technology are unified, and their status in military strategy becomes higher and higher. The enormous deconstructive power of nuclear weapons have created an awkward situation for the use of nuclear weapons. At the same time, the huge consumption and destructive power of mechanized warfare also forces the people to head toward technological innovation; therefore, ‘information strength’ is gradually becoming the new core military power.” 
 
“In future informationized wars, the spatial battlefield will become the main battlefield and spatial power will become the main combat force. Therefore, “spatial information technology” will be the core essential technology factor for the informationized war in the future. “Spatial information technology” is not just a few independent technical factors; instead, it is a cluster of technologies unifying detection, exploration, transmission and processing with the spatial platform as the carrier. It plays the most critical role in the utilization and function of a special war force and it is the neural network center for a special war. It is precisely this neural network center that expedites “network-centered warfare.”

Innovation in the military field is extremely complex. The important thing is to be able to perceive the shift of the core military capacity and to grasp the new technology that will influence and decide the core military capacity to improve the ability to innovate. “Developing the informationized army” that we have established is also a directional concept and serves as a motivator for military innovation. From the perspective of technology, informationized military equipment has become the critical factor for the combat ability of an army. In an informationized war, the side with an information advantage that can be effectively transformed into a decision advantage is more likely to grasp the initiative in combat strategy on the battle field.

“In the current army reform stage, military information ability mainly manifests in four aspects.

Integrated information support ability. Through a digitized, networked, automated, and intellectualized information system, using the communication network as a link, and the information processing as the core, to integrate a combat system including the sensing system across land, sea, sky and space, the automated command system, and the firepower attack platform, etc. into an organic body, results in the omni-dimensional information sensing, information transfer, and intelligent  information processing, and provides unified information support for unified combat. The “network-centered warfare” theory of the U.S. army is based on such an integrated information support capacity. At present, on the base of developing the C4ISR system, the US army is proceeding with global information GIG, which will guide the direction of the development of the supporting capability for integrating and unifying information.
   
The capacity of informationization firepower, namely using information technology, information system transformation, and the conformity and improvement of weaponry and ammunition so that they have a faster reaction rate, attack targets at a farther distance, and with higher accuracy, and better adaptation performance. In the Persian Gulf War, the U.S. military only less than 10% of its airplanes could carry a directed precision bomb. In the Iraq War, all U.S. military fighter planes could launch offensive union missiles, each bomber aircraft could carry a spatial cruise missile, and “the Predator” had the ability to “detect and attack.” An important trend of development is that informationized equipment is developed to be precise, intelligent, microminiaturized, hidden, and without a human driver.

Omni-directional information combat ability. In the future informationized battlefield, the key to victory in war will be whether we can destroy  the enemy’s combat informationed system. Along with the development of the electronic combat target from single electronic equipment such as radar, to the whole information network, information combat capacity will leap from tactical support to strategic striking force on the battlefield. The side with the information advantage can firmly gain the upper hand on the battlefield.

Information, Integration, Protection Capability. In the informationized battlefield, the defense not only faces the threat of a precise attack from integrated firepower from the sea, land and space, but also faces intense electronic interference, network attacks, and all kinds of new concept weapons. Therefore, it is an inevitable choice for the defense side to construct an omni-directional and unified comprehensive information security protection mechanism that fuses the army and civilians.

The further development of the informationized army is intellectualization and no-human control. Therefore, the construction of the informationized army is not a fixed goal. Continued innovation is more significant. The long-term planning for the army is a dynamic improvement; the pursuit of the process and the pursuit of the results are equally important.

Endnotes:
[1] Informationization: n. the computerization of business, industry, and military.
[2] http://news.xinhuanet.com/mil/2009-09/27/content_12117647.htm

“The Fourth Plenary Session of the 17^th CCCPC comprehensively analyzes the situation and tasks. It thinks that, at the moment of the 60th anniversary of the New China, to fully implement the 17^th CCCPC’s great spirit, to thoroughly implement the concept of scientific development, to effectively respond to the international financial crisis, to maintain stable and rapid economic development, to win new victories in building a moderately prosperous society, and to create a new situation for socialism with Chinese characteristics, further research and deployment of the new great project to promote the party’s growth with the spirit of reform and innovation has an important and deep significance.”

I. Strengthening and Improving the Importance and Urgency of the Party’s Growth under New Situations

“The Communist Party of China was established eighty eight years ago. It has ruled for six decades and led the reform and opening for three decades. . . . Adhering to the basic principles of Marxism with China’s specific realities, . . . practice has proved that, without the Chinese Communist Party there would be no new China, and there would be no socialism with Chinese characteristics. To handle China’s affairs well, the key is the party. To adhere to the socialist road with Chinese characteristics, to drive the socialist modernization, to realize the great rejuvenation of Chinese, we must unswervingly adhere to the leadership of the Communist Party of China”.

“The world today is in a period of great development, major adjustment, and great change. World multi-polarization and economic globalization are developing further; technology advances daily; the international financial crisis impacts broadly; the world economic situation has undergone new changes; and in the contrast of international forces, new trends emerge. In the global cultural exchange, blend and confrontation show the new characteristics; the developed countries still have advantages in economics and science, etc. The competition between nation’s comprehensive strength and various forces is more intense; and factors of instability and uncertainty are increasing. (All of these) bring new opportunities and challenges to our country’s development. Economic, political, cultural, and social development, and the development of ecological civilization are being comprehensively promoted; industrialization, information technology, urbanization, marketization, and internationalization are further advancing; China is at the opportunity period for the further development of important strategies, and is moving forward at a new starting point in history.
…
Party growth is the great treasure for the party-led enterprise to constantly win. . . . At the same time, there are a lot of problems within the party, like being unable to adjust to the requirements under the new situation and new tasks, and not meeting the Party’s nature and purpose. The main (cause) is: some party members and cadres neglect theoretical studies, their study and practice are out of touch, ideals and beliefs are shaken, their beliefs in Marxism are not firm and they lack confidence in socialism with Chinese characteristics. Some party organizations implement democratic centralism poorly; some implement the central policy and planning carelessly; some have failed to protect the democratic rights of Party members; and a number of party members and cadres lack awareness of the law and a sense of discipline. Some leaders can’t play a good role in terms of group leadership, and they lack the ability to promote scientific development and address complex problems. A number of local governments and departments’ official selections and appointments have low credibility; lobbying for and purchasing official positions happen repeatedly; the fighting role of some grass-roots party organizations is not strong; some are weak and lax. The party organizations in some fields do not cover a wide range, some party members have a weak consciousness of their party memberships and do not display obvious leadership and exemplary roles; some leading cadres lack awareness of their purpose, are divorced from the masses and from reality, are unprincipled and irresponsible, show inconsistency in their words and deeds, commit fraud, commit extravagance and pleasure-seeking, and show strong individualism, formalism and serious bureaucracy. The corruption cases of some leading cadres, especially high-ranking cadres, have had a very bad influence; the corruption phenomenon in a number of areas is getting worse. These problems have seriously weakened the party’s creativity, cohesion and combat effectiveness, seriously damaged the party’s close ties with the masses, and seriously affected the consolidation of the party’s ruling status and governance to achieve the mission. We must alert the whole party and pay close attention to resolve it.
…
II. Summarizing, Applying, Enriching and Developing the Basic Experience of Party Growth

1. Adhere to putting the ideological and theoretical first and raise the whole Party’s standard on Marxism. Always treat the ideological and theoretical growth as the fundamental development; uphold the Party’s ideology …

2. Moving the great project of Party growth forward and the promoting the Party’s leadership must be closely combined to ensure that the party is always the core leadership for socialism. Party growth must focus on and serve the party’s leadership, go along with the party’s political direction, stretch out around the party’s central tasks and strengthen the party’s overall goals.

3. Building up the governing capacity and the advanced nature must be the main direction, so as to ensure the party is always leading the epochal trend. Treat the building the governing capacity and the advanced nature as the fundamental task of the party rules’ growth. . . . Bring into full play the party committees’ central leadership role, the grass-roots party organizations’ fighting role, and the party members’ vanguard and exemplary role.   

4. Uphold the party serving the public interest and the government serving people; maintain the party’s close ties with the masses. . . . Constantly enhance the Party’s class base and expand the party’s mass base.

5. Persist in reform and innovation, and strengthen the party’s vitality. . . .  Establish and improve the system, having the Party Constitution as the foundation and democratic centralism as the core. . . . Protect the party’s unity and enhance the party’s creativity.

6. Insist that the party must strictly manage the party itself and improve the standard on party management. To manage the country, the party must be managed first, the party administration must be strictly managed, implementing the responsibility system for party development work. Adhere to strict requirements, strict education, strict management and strict supervision. . . . Enforce party discipline.

III. Building the Party by Including the Study of Marxism and Improving the Standard of the Party’s Ideology and Politics

1. Promote Marxism in China, in this era and among everyone. Uphold Marxism as the guiding ideology of the Party and the country; combine China’s situation with this era’s characteristics to vigorously promote new theories. . . .

2. Arm the whole Party with the theoretical system of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

3. Carry out studies and education on the socialist core value system. The education on ideals and beliefs is the top priority while the whole party learns and practices the socialist core value system; guide party members to focus and strengthen their consciousness and firmness on the implementation of the Party’s basic theory, basic strategy, basic program and basic experience; enhance the consciousness and firmness of the Chinese socialist road and the constant striving for the party and the people, so as to be firm believers in the ideal of communism and the common ideal of socialism with Chinese characteristics. . . .  Consciously draw clear lines between Marxism and anti-Marxism, between the basic economic system with dominant socialist public ownership and diverse forms of ownership developing together with the system of privatization and single public ownership, between the socialist democracy with Chinese characteristics and the Western capitalist democracy, and between the socialist ideology and the culture with feudal and capitalist decadent ideas. Resolutely resist the influence of various erroneous ideas, and always maintain a firm stance and a clear mind.

4. Develop Party learning organizations. Create a strong learning atmosphere within the whole party. . . . Organize the party members, and cadres to focus on studying Marxist theory, the party’s principles and policies, the state laws and regulations, and the party’s history. . . Strengthen the guidance and services for the whole party’s study, strengthen the building of the theory lectures groups, and improve and implement the study system having the party committees (groups) as central groups.

IV. Adhering and Improving Democratic Centralism and Actively Developing Inner-Party Democracy

Inner-Party democracy is the life of the Party, and centralization and unification is the guarantee of the Party’s strength.

1. Uphold and improve the Party’s leadership system. The scientific leadership system is the fundamental guarantee of the party’s effective management of state affairs. Uphold the party’s leadership role on commanding the overall situation and coordinating all levels; adhere to the unity of the party’s leadership, the people being the masters and the law enforcement; reform and improve the Party’s style on leadership and governance; and improve the party’s leadership and governance. . . . With a clear focus on rights and responsibilities, improve the local party leadership system and working mechanism, improve sector party (party committees) working mechanisms, and improve the mechanisms of the party’s leadership on state-owned enterprises and institutions. Adhere to the fundamental principle and system of the party’s absolute leadership over the troops, and realize the unity of the rich nation and strong army in the process of building a moderately prosperous society.

2. Protect the dominant position and democratic rights of Party members. Establish the party spokesperson system, and run the party newspapers and journals, and the party websites. Broaden the channels for the party members to express their opinions, establish and improve the system for listening to consultation on inner-Party affairs, and the regular evaluation system of the grass-roots party organizations and members of leading groups from the party members.

3. Improve the Party Congress system and the party electoral system. Expand the Party Congress’ participation on candidate nomination, and improve the method of candidate nominations. Establish the proposal systems for all levels of Party Congresses. Implement and improve the tenure system for the Party Congress, establish and improve the systems and methods for the representatives to participate in the major policy decisions, to participate in the recommendations of the important cadres and the democratic discussion, to attend relevant meetings of party committees, and to contact party members and others.

4. Improve the mechanism of democratic decision-making within the party. Party committees at all levels make decisions on major issues in accordance with the principle of collective leadership, democratic centralism, individual consultations, and decision-making at meetings.

5. Safeguard the party’s centralization and unification. Party comrades must always put the party and the people in the highest position in their minds, and insist that individual party members obey the Party’s organization. The minority is subordinate to the majority; the lower organizations are to obey the superior organization; party organizations and all Party members are to obey the Party’s National Congress and the Central Committee, and the most important one, the whole party is to obey the central authorities. Always maintain a high degree of consistency with the Party Central Committee in action ideologically and politically; persist in carrying out local initiatives, combined with the maintenance of the central authority; unify the local interests with the interests of the whole together; strictly observe Party discipline, especially political discipline; and ensure the smooth flow of the central government’s decrees. . . . If party members disagree with the party’s resolutions and policies, report to the parent organization up through the central government, with the premise of firm implementation, but the disagreement cannot be made public nor anything spread against the central authorities. Violation of the Party’s political discipline must be dealt with severely.

V. Deepen the reform of the cadre administrative system; develop high-quality cadre teams as experts on promoting scientific development and advancing the harmony of society

Insist on the principle of selecting cadres based on both ability and morality with morality as the priority. The important aspects for cadre selection should be focused on whether the candidates are loyal to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), to the country, and to the people.  　

Perfect the cadre selection mechanism. We should extend the democracy of selecting and using cadres, establish and perfect the cadre nomination and selection system with clear-cut goals, scientific procedures and clear responsibilities.

Improve the ability of the team of leaders and leader cadres to promote scientific development and harmony in society. Select the right candidates with strong abilities as the major cadres for the leading positions and emphasize the development of the force of county level CCP party secretaries.   

Cultivate and train a large number of excellent young cadres. …  Strengthen our effort to cultivate and select excellent young cadres. The emphasis should be on strengthening the training on assimilating the young cadres into the nature of the CCP so that they have absolute loyalty to the career of the party. Establish the chain of cultivating and selecting party political leader cadres from the frontiers of the base organizations. 　  

Perfect the cadre management mechanism. Open and smooth the communication channels among the cadres in the party political organizations and cadres in enterprises and institutions. Construct and perfect the system where the responsibilities of the cadres are parallel to the rank titles; realize the match between the cadre ranks and the corresponding personal benefits.   　

Lay a good foundation on the very basic level of society and solidify the foundation of the party’s leading position. 　  

The basic organizations of the Party are the base for all the work of the Party and for the battling vitality of the party. It is the battle fortress to implement the direction, principles and the policies and all kinds of tasks of the party. We must do the work around the center, serve the major and general purpose, widen the fields, strengthen the functions, further solidify and strengthen the basic organizations of the party, stress widening the coverage of the party’s work, and increase the vitality of the party. …　 

Extend the coverage (in society) of the basic Party organizations. Comprehensively advance the construction of the basic organizations of the party in all fields, realize the organizations and work of the Party’s coverage across society, achieve the goal that wherever there are people, there is the work of the Party; wherever there are Party members, there are party organizations; wherever there are party organizations, there is a comprehensive, organized party life, and the sufficient realization of the function of the Party. Promote ways of developing party organizations for organizations and institutions such as farmers’ cooperation communities, professional associations, production chains and places where there are relatively large clusters of business professionals, and enhance the effort to develop party organizations in facilitating agencies, associations, academic societies and all kinds of new organizations in society.   

Advance the innovation in the work of basic Party organizations. Realize the core leadership function of the Party organizations in constructing the new socialist countryside. …The enhancement of economic vitality of the state owned (enterprises) and power to control and influence should be throughout the party organizational activities of stated owned enterprises to ensure the involvement of and decisions from the party organizations, the leadership of the party in executing and implementing policies, the effective supervision of the Party, and the function of the party as the core political power. Serving the people, uniting the people, optimizing management and maintaining stability should occur throughout the party organizational activities in local communities.  The party organization should fully function to assist and supervise (the people) in accomplishing all kinds of tasks. Comprehensively implementing the Party’s educational policies and cultivating the next generation of socialist developers should occur throughout the party organizational activities in higher education. Realize the core leadership function of the party in promoting educational reform; teach well to educate people well and enhance the development of the teaching forces. Doing ideological and political work well and advancing the development of careers within the party should be done throughout the party organizational activities in institutions for scientific research, heath education, physical education and (work in) elementary schools; realize the function of the core political power of the party organizations in fulfilling the responsibilities in each institution. The party organizations in non-state owned economic organizations and new social organizations should work according to the function of completely (following) the party’s directions and implementing (the party’s) policies, leading and supervising people to abide by the laws and regulations of the country, uniting the workers and the masses of people, protecting the legal rights of different groups and promoting healthy development to explore ways and approaches to fully function. The basic party organizations in regions of different ethnic groups should fully function in the battle fortress to unit people from all ethnic backgrounds to advance development, promote harmony, oppose separation and maintain stability.  　

Enhance the vitality of the party member forces. Enhance the ideological education (for people) to join the Party; enhance the effort to develop more party members among workers and farmers; emphasize developing new party members among high-level intellectuals, college students, and excellent young people in all fields; proactively do well in the work of developing party members in non-state owned economic organizations and new social associations.　 

Construct high quality leader forces for basic party organizations. Enhance the development of the force of party secretaries for basic party organizations. Widen the source of basic countryside cadres; select outstanding party members as party secretaries for party organizations in villages; promote the method of selecting college graduates to fill positions in villages; encourage retired soldiers to work in villages and rural areas; promptly manage and adjust basic party organizations in villages that are weak; enhance the development of the force of party secretaries in villages and the countryside. Assign the appropriate personnel as the responsible cadres for party organizations in local communities, non-state owned economic organizations and new social associations. 

Frame and construct a new framework for the basic party construction for overall cooperation and coordination between cities and the countryside. Develop a nation-wide information database; enhance the dynamic management of the party members; and perfect the administration system where the city and the countryside are united as a whole body. The local party organization is the primary unit with the party organizations of other areas as the assistance providers; cooperate to educate, manage and serve the mobile party members who are outside of his/her origin place. Implement the approach of making the excellent temporary workers in the city who are farmers from villages join the party. The basic party organization in either the cities or the villages should be the primary source to continuously cultivate and inspect them in both the cities and the villages and exchange information about them. Enhance the integration of the sources in the basic party development in cities and the countryside; popularize the approach of assisting each other among the party organizations in administrative organizations, enterprises, communities and villages to advance the positive interaction among the basic party organizations in cities and countryside. Establish a stable and standard basic organizational work funding system through financial transfers and payments.   　

VI. Promote the Advanced Nature of the Party and Maintain the Blood-and-Flesh Connection between the Party and the People   　

The manner and the spirit of the party is related to the image of the party, related to the party, and related to the success and failure of the careers of the party and the people.  

Vigorously promote the working manner of being connected to the people.

Vigorously promote the practical working style. Starting from the leadership organizations, vigorously manage and improve the style and spirit for writing articles and having meetings; promote short meetings, short speeches, and effective speeches, and strive to stop empty and fixed-format talks. Proactively utilize means of communication to strictly control the quantity and scope of articles and strictly control the numbers, cost, and scale of meetings. Vigorously organize and eliminate inspection activities for standard inspection and commendation, practically resolve the problem of excessive ribbon-cutting ceremonies for festival celebrations and improve the media reporting on the activities of the leaders from different levels.

Vigorously promote an arduous and persistent working style. Strictly carry out the regulations and restrictions for the financial system and for economic work; strictly control the construction of office buildings and reception hotels; strictly forbid exceeding the budget in repairing and furnishing office rooms; strictly forbid the leading cadres from buying or constructing houses and buying cars against regulations; strictly control the number and the scale of groups that visit other countries.

Vigorously promote the spirit of criticizing and self-criticizing. Enhance the party principle and practicality of the internal party life; firmly oppose the mutual flattering, pleasing and bragging between the higher and lower level cadres; firmly oppose the vulgarization of the internal party life.

Ensure the party’s development with an unshakable party nature. Make strengthening the cultivation of party character in individual party members an important base and motivation to have an excellent party spirit and working style; educate and direct all party members to strengthen study, strengthen practice, strengthen the exercises and practice in internal party life; proactively study the party’s constitution; abide by the party’s constitution; implement the party’s constitution; protect the party’s constitution; enhance consciousness of being a party member and the concept of being a party character….

VII. Speed up the development of a system to punish, deter and prevent corruption; carry out the anti-corruption battles in depth

Enhance the education on honest and clean political work and the honesty and self-regulation of leader cadres. Spread out the education on party character, party spirit and party regulation across the party in depth; incorporate the education on honest politics into the agenda for cadre training. Enhance the development of a culture of clean and honest politics. Perfect the system for leader cadre party members to report relevant personal matters and add the information about house, investment, spouse and the career of children to the content of the report. Enhance the management of public officials whose spouses and children have immigrated overseas.

Enhance the effort to inspect and manage the cases of violating the regulations and laws. Maintain the high-pressure atmosphere to punish corruption, firmly terminate the situation of easy corruption and the large number of corruption cases in some fields, and absolutely do not allow any corrupt people to escape from punishment by the party regulations and the law of the state.

Perfect the monitoring and supervision system for executive powers. Strictly execute and continuously perfect the systems for the leader cadres for work-reporting and honesty checking, sincere talking, responding to questions and inquiries, questioning, recalling positions and replacement, etc. The local party committee should focus on the aspect of clean and diligent politics and the selection and use of people as an important element to report to the higher level party committee. Promote the system for the party political leaders to check responsibilities, the system to fulfill responsibilities, and the system to assign responsibilities for political executives and the implementation of the law. Enhance and improve inspections in different areas in turn, perfect the leader system for the inspection work, select capable inspection cadres, perfect the inspection procedures and approach and improve the efficiency of inspection. The disciplinary team should perfect the overall management of the dispatched units of the disciplinary inspection teams; perfect the system to monitor and supervise the leader team and its members where the dispatched disciplinary teams are sent. Perfect the audit of the economic responsibilities of the major political leaders of the party and the leaders of state-owned enterprises; enhance the audit on the financial funding and major investment projects.

Advance the innovation of the system of anti-corruption and politics honesty promotion. Persist in using the system to manage power, cases and personnel; deepen the reform in important fields and critical steps; reduce the barriers and loopholes in the system to the greatest extent; perfect the mechanism for the anti-corruption system; improve the systemization and legalization of anti-corruption.

Strengthening the development of the party in the new situation is an important political responsibility of the whole party. Party organizations at all levels should carefully implement the spirit of this resolution, persist in the management of the party by the party and strict management of the party, solidly implement the work responsibilities of party development, establish and perfect the long-term efficiency for the work on party development, and ensure the solid implementation of the assignment for all the projects for party development. Perfect the working structure of the party committee’s unified leadership, the global management of all departments, the higher level’s management of lower levels, and the stress on solid implementation at each level, and sufficiently utilize the function of the work-leading team for party development. The party secretaries at each level must remember to solidly carry out the obligation as the No. 1 responsible person for vigorously advancing party development. Perfect the comprehensive evaluation system for the performance review of party development work; enhance directions on classified work; plan and coordinate; supervise and inspect; construct a high quality working force for the affairs of the party. Enhance the investigation and research on the work for party construction; study new situations; resolve new problems; summarize new experiences; comprehensively understand and proactively utilize the Marxist party development principles for the Marxist party in power; advance the innovation of party development theories to provide scientific direction for the party’s development under the new situation.

The party development work for the People’s Liberation Army of China and the armed police force of China will be managed by the Central Military Committee according to this resolution.

Endnotes:
[1] http://news.xinhuanet.com/politics/2009-09/27/content_12118429.htm
[2] http://news.xinhuanet.com/politics/2009-10/15/content_12240057.htm

The "Threat View” considers China’s rise as a challenge instead of an opportunity for the rest of the world. It mainly includes six aspects, namely, the economic threat—the continuously developing China is competing with the Western powers for limited resources and markets; the military threat—China’s powerful economic strength will in turn make it a formidable military power; the cultural threat—the renaissance of the self-contained Chinese culture is having a serious impact on Western culture; the geopolitical threat—a powerful China puts both visible and invisible pressure on its close neighbors; the political system threat—the Communist regime greatly differs from the mainstream political system of liberty and democracy in the western world; the technological threat—China is committed to scientific and technological innovation, and it is challenging the supremacy of Western science and technology, especially in the Internet area.

In recent years, although these arguments have weakened, they still appear once in a while. For example, recently the United States issued the 2009 National Intelligence Strategy, which exaggerated the viewpoint of China’s military threat, and listed China as one of the countries that challenges the interests of the United States. Some United States National Intelligence officials also absurdly claimed China to be very aggressive in the Internet area. Western public opinion looks at China’s continuously expanding scale of foreign investment and trade as so-called "Oriental Colonialism." Western powers label the "Confucius Institutes" that are set up overseas for normal cultural exchanges as a cultural expansion strategy. All kinds of "threat views" on China, objectively speaking, are making China’s international environment worse and putting constraints on China’s further development.

The "Collapse View” believes that China’s economic growth is at the cost of a widening inequality between the rich and the poor, deteriorating environmental pollution, and official corruption. Thus it is not sustainable. In addition to his recently-published book, Who will feed China, Joe Studwell, editor-in-chief of the U.S. based China Economic Quarterly, wrote a book called The China Dream, published in January 2002. In it, he described China’s economy as "a mansion built on sand.”  He predicted that China would soon have a large-scale political and economic crisis. The most extreme view came from the book The Coming Collapse of China, published in July 2001, by American-Chinese lawyer Gordon G. Chang. In the book he said that "the bad debts of China’s four state-owned banks are so high that they are at the point of not being  sustainable anymore,” and that “instead of considering the 21st century as China’s century, we might as well say that China is falling apart." He asserted, "China’s current political and economic systems can only maintain a maximum of five years." These comments are clearly as reckless as announcing that history has ended. In front of the facts, these arguments, which have a strong Cold War mentality, have collapsed without being attacked.

The "Deviation View" states that China is deviating from Marxism in its ideology, deviating from socialism in its political system, and deviating from the Third World in its foreign relations. There is no clear source or original proponent for this view. It is instead a summary of a variety of scattered comments. We can say that basically the “Deviation View" holds a certain doubt or criticism against China’s reform and opening up policy, and the transformation of its policies and socioeconomic development. This view mostly came from traditional Marxism, neo-Marxism, and some Third World countries. According to this view, as China deepens its reform and opens up, it is getting further away from the original Marxism and socialism, as well as other Third World countries. We see that, in fact, these various negative voices about China’s reform and opening up do not only come from Western countries, but also non-Western countries. The "Deviation View" is a typical example. For this kind of view, we do need to clarify, because China’s reform and opening up is actually truly adhering to Marxism and socialism. It is, in a more fundamental way and in a longer term, benefiting mankind and the Third World.

The "Myth View” holds that the so-called "China Miracle" is nothing but a myth invented by the media. The representative of this view is the book, The Five Great Myths About China and the World, published in May 2002 by Fred Hu, the Managing Direction of Goldman Sachs (in Asia). He said in the book, "China’s economic growth is not unprecedented. With the Asia-Pacific regional standards, it is not necessarily prominent in any particular way.” There are also critics who think that when compared with the rise of other emerging countries, after all China did not break the normal mode of economic growth. The ways that China relied on to make the miracle—cheap labor, appropriate economic policies, a favorable external environment, a stable domestic situation, a national mentality of pursuing wealth, and so forth—also worked and made miracles in Japan and Southeast Asia. In earlier days, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, and the United States were all pretty much in the same situation as well. However, this kind of generalization on the modernization of different countries in the world lacks proper knowledge. China has 1.3 billion people and a historic accumulation of other factors and problems. On its way to modernization, both creativity and uniqueness have been demonstrated. This kind of generalization is negating the historic development view of the Monistic Multi-linear Theory.

The "Responsibility View” states that, since China is a stakeholder of Western powers, it must assume a corresponding responsibility. On September 21, 2005, Robert Zoellick, president of the World Bank and former U.S. Deputy Secretary of State, gave a speech titled Whither China: From Membership to Responsibility? at the National Committee on United States-China Relations. During the speech he clearly proposed this view of China being a "responsible stakeholder."  On March 5, 2007, the famous Harvard professor of economic history, Danny Ferguson, published the article “Buy Chimerican” in the Los Angeles Times, introducing the term “Chimerica” for the first time. In the summer of 2008, the magazine Foreign Affairs published the article “A Partnership of Equals” by Fred Bergsten, director of the U.S. Peterson Institute for International Economics. This article brought up the concept of "G2” for the first time. The above concepts resulted in strong reactions. One of the reasons is that they do, to some extent, reflect the inter-dependencies between the two great economic systems of China and the United States. However, at the same time, we should also note the transition of the United States’ strategy towards China behind these concepts.

The "Replacement View” states that as the Washington Consensus-represented Western democratic model continues to decline, China’s development path, which focuses on independent, innovative, and progressive reform, will become the new universal discourse. The "Beijing Consensus” model is representative of this view. "Beijing Consensus" was first introduced by Joshua Cooper Ramo, a senior advisor for the United States Goldman Sachs, in his article “The Beijing Consensus,” published in May 2004, by the United Kingdom’s Foreign Policy Centre. Ramo thinks that China’s economic development model does not only fit China, but also sets an example for other developing countries that are pursuing economic growth and improvement of people’s lives. "Beijing Consensus" will replace "Washington Consensus,” which is already widely distrusted. From an objective point of view, although the suggestion of "Beijing Consensus" reflects that the international community highly regards China’s successful experience and development path, it is neither our original intention nor a pursuing goal of ours to replace "Washington Consensus" with "Beijing consensus."

The "Stage View" believes that China’s model possesses the universal characters of “countries in the transitional stage." Thus, as China further integrates into the international mainstream, the so-called China model will wither away. Some international public opinions believe that China’s successful disaster relief for the Wenchuan earthquake, its successful hosting of the Beijing Olympic Games, and the outstanding performance in the financial crisis, are not a sufficient basis to say that China’s current social system is superior to the West. Rather, it explains that the political operation way inherited from the planning system is in essence a model for responding to crises, and that from a long-term perspective, the “institutional advantage” that China possesses is very likely a disadvantage. Another foreign public opinion believes that, from a global perspective, China’s development achievements are quite amazing, but it also has many problems. Compared with developed countries, China is merely at a different developmental stage. It is obvious that the "Stage View" is essentially taking "modernization" as "Westernization," and globalization and world historic development as a homogeneous movement, rather than multiple interactions of different historic traces. This is obviously contrary to the facts.

The "Imbalance View" thinks that China’s development is showing a series of imbalances between the export-oriented system and domestic demand, and between economic growth and environmental protection, so the sustainability of the China model is questionable. In early 2009, Kenneth Rogoff, former IMF chief economist, published the article “Can China Avoid the Crisis?” in France’s Les Echos. In the article he said, "Before the global recession started, the sustainability of China’s economic growth model was already under suspicion. The pollution of the environment is very obvious. Besides, economists estimated that if China’s economy continues to grow at this fast speed, the proportion of China’s economy to the world’s economy will expand to the extent that it will not be able to sustain China’s current level. … A better way is to try to make up for the part that resulted from the decrease in the United States’ demand by increasing China’s own domestic demand, but China’s economic system does not appear to be able to move quickly enough to achieve this transition." There is no doubt that in China, in the process of rapid development, there are some imbalances that may need urgent solutions, but it is clearly unfair to deny the overall balance and sustainability of China’s economy solely because of this.

This "Opposition View" states that China’s development model and the Western development model are fundamentally opposite. In order to explain the rationality and superiority of the socialist system with Chinese characteristics when reviewing the success of China’s development model, some scholars tend to completely deny the social system and political system of certain Western countries. Moreover, regarding the possibility that the United States’ recession could impact the Chinese economy, some say that China’s economy will not be affected at all and growth will continue. This is the so-called "Decoupling View." In fact, if China did not want to learn from a wide range of human civilizations, especially from developed capitalist countries for all their outstanding achievements, then several decades ago China would have had no need to open up, and would not have achieved today’s success or formed today’s development model. Therefore, viewpoints like the “The “Opposition View,” including the "decoupling," "exceptional," and "particular" views are unconvincing.

The "Leadership View" says that as China’s national power continues to grow, it should adapt a new global perception and shoulder the responsibility to lead the world. Some foreign scholars believe that "China has been a follower and has adopted a policy of merely following the crowd. Therefore it has always been in a passive state.” In order to change this situation, "China can learn from the experience of the rise of other great powers." Since the beginning of the financial crisis, as the United States’ economic leadership position and moral influence sharply declined, some have argued that the international community has to have a new leader. China has 2 trillion dollars in United States’ foreign exchange reserves, its economic growth momentum remains strong, and it is willing to bear international responsibilities. Thus, looking at today’s world, there is no second country that can take this leadership role. Therefore, China should take this advantage to achieve its leadership position in this international political and economic change. It could be said that this idea to some extent does reflect today’s world’s high expectations of the increasingly powerful China, but we should also pay attention to the distinction between reasonable responsibility and leadership in international affairs.

Endnote:
[1] Study Times, November 9, 2009
http://www.studytimes.com.cn/WebPage/ny1.aspx?act=0&id=3039&bid=3

“Right before establishing the New China (the People’s Republic of China), Comrade Mao Zedong used the analogy of “going to Beijing to take a test” to describe our party’s task of governance. He also said, “We will not be Li Zicheng. [2] We hope to do well in the test.” After sixty years, reality has shown that our party has passed the “test” and the people are satisfied with the party. The achievements of passing the “test” and people being satisfied is fundamentally due to the fact that in the work of governing the nation for the people in the past 60 years the party has made great accomplishments with worldwide attention. These accomplishments mainly consist of three aspects.”

“First of all, our party has led people of all ethnic groups to achieve the transformation from the New Democratic Revolution to Socialist Revolution and Development, from a highly concentrated planned economic system to a dynamic socialist market economic system, and from being completely closed or semi-closed, to fully opening up to the outside world in all domains. We have established a basic socialist system and the guiding role of Marxism in ideology. Through difficult explorations in the practices of the reform and opening up, we have found the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics, formed the theoretical system of Socialism with Chinese Characteristics, and have continuously consolidated, developed, and perfected our socialist system. The establishment of the basic socialist system and the exploring of the socialist path with Chinese characteristics have built a fundamental political premise and institutional base for current China’s development and progress, pioneered an extremely broad, bright, and beautiful prospect for Chinese people, and empowered the Chinese people with unprecedented vitality.

Secondly, on top of an old China of destitution, our party has led the people of all ethnic groups in the whole nation to rely on ourselves to fight through hardships. We have conquered countless difficulties and gradually established an independent and comprehensive industrial system and national economic system. Since the reform and opening up, we have creatively established a socialist market economy, with social productivity growing rapidly. The overall economy has jumped to among the top in the world and the production of the key industrial and agricultural products are also among the top in the world. Our comprehensive national power has been significantly uplifted and people’s living conditions are moving toward the goal of Xiaokang. [3]

“Thirdly, our party has led people of all ethnic groups to insist on safeguarding the sovereignty, unity, and security of the nation. We completely eliminated all the privileges that the imperialist powers were entitled to in China, turned over the humiliating page of history when any country in the world could trample China, and ended the situation that China was divided into pieces. We defeated the foreign forces’ attempts at isolating, blocking, intervening, and provoking our country. We were able to resume the exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong and Macao, and are successfully maintaining their prosperity and stability. We pursue a foreign policy of independence and peace, insist on walking a path of peaceful development, and insist on an opening-up strategy that promotes win-win situations. We are firmly against hegemonism and power politics and try our best to maintain global peace and promote the joint development of the nations. Our nation’s global position and international influence have been significantly uplifted, and we are playing a more and more important role in international affairs. The national renaissance pursued by Chinese people for the past one hundred years is coming true under the leadership of the CCP.”

“These 60 years since the establishment of the New China have been the 60 years when, under the leadership of the CCP, people of all ethnic groups in the entire country have worked tirelessly to achieve the nation being prosperous and the people being happy and wealthy. These 60 years have been the 60 years when our nation has achieved great accomplishments in socialist, economic, political, cultural, and societal buildup. These 60 years have been the 60 years when our nation and people’s material and cultural lives have experienced historical changes.” “In these 60 years, (the CCP) has withstood a series of difficulties and risks in politics, the economy, and the natural environment, as well as international challenges. The CCP is leading the people in writing a brilliant chapter in the history of development of the Chinese people and the history of human progress. The CCP deserves to be called a great Marxist ruling party.”

I. The Main Characteristics of the CCP’s Development over the Past 60 Years
In the 60 years that our party has been in power, it has continually strengthened and improved the buildup of the party according to the changes in the historical tasks that the party bears. It has shown several characteristics.
…
i. Scientifically judging and precisely controlling the historic position; strengthening and improving the party’s buildup while achieving the two main transitions. With the establishment of the New China, our party changed from one that led the people to fight to seize power to a ruling party that led the people to achieve the transformation from the New-Democratic Revolution into Socialist Revolution and Development. After the party’s Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee, our party began to change from a ruling party that was leading the country’s development while being blocked by outside forces and was employing a planned economy, into a ruling party that leads the country’s development while opening to the outside and implementing a socialist market economy. History and reality both show that the party’s development was much more complex after the party took power and became the ruling party, than before the party became the ruling party; the party’s development has been much more complex since we opened up to the to outside and began to practice a socialist market economy, than the party’s development was during the period of closed and semi-closed conditions under a planned economy. These two major transitions required the entire party to change correspondingly in ideology, organization, working style, leadership system, and ruling methods, in order to accommodate the new situations and tasks.
…
ii. Combine advancing the great projects that the party leads and advancing the great project of party buildup, strengthen and improve the party’s development while carrying out the historic mission of governance for the people and for the prosperity of the country. In the past 60 years, our party has integrated the work of changing the external world with the work of changing the subjective world. On one hand we advance the party’s development by advancing the great projects led by the party, and on the other hand, we advance the great projects that the party leads by strengthening and improving the party’s development. The party has been constantly improving its governance capability and the abilities of resisting corruption and decay, making itself a strong core leader of the socialist cause.
…
iii. Profoundly summarize and apply positive and negative lessons learned both nationally and globally; strengthen and improve the party’s development while holding onto the truth and correcting mistakes. It was a very difficult and complicated task to develop socialism in a large Oriental country like China, where the economy and culture were backward, and regional development was very imbalanced. It is inevitable that twists and mistakes occurred in the process of development. What is important is that our party is good at learning from mistakes and is able to use our own power and people’s support to hold onto the truth and correct the mistakes. The party has the courage to self criticize and can publicly correct all kinds of mistakes and shortcomings. Through summarizing and self-examination, the party’s ruling ability can improve and the work of the party and the people can progress.
…
In the past 60 years, our party has also attached great importance to summarizing and learning from foreign ruling parties’ lessons. In February of 1956, in the 20^th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Stalin was completely negated. This had shocking consequences in the socialist countries and soon after, there were incidents in Poland and Hungary. The imperialist countries seized this chance and started the waves of anti-Soviet Union and anti-socialism. Our party learned historic lessons from the communist parties in the Soviet Union and other socialist countries. In our party’s Eighth National Congress, we emphasized adhering to the principle of the party’s collective leadership, perfected the party’s Democratic Centralism, strengthened the supervision of the party’s organizations and party members, developed intra-party democracy, and opposed personal cults. These important ideas were crucial at the time and are crucial in the long term for strengthening party development. In February of 1957, at the Supreme State Conference, Comrade Mao Zedong gave a speech titled, “Correct Handling of Internal Conflicts of the People.” He summarized the historic experiences of the development of the socialist cause, and put forth the theory of strictly differentiating conflicts of two different natures and correctly handling the internal conflicts among the people. [4] At the end of the 1980s and the beginning of the 1990s, dramatic changes took place in Eastern Europe, and the Soviet Union disintegrated. Global socialism suffered great setbacks. Our party learned lessons from the demise of the party in the Soviet Union and the Eastern European countries. We also scientifically summarized the lessons learned from other major parties that had lost power after ruling for decades. From these we have gained and borrowed good experiences to warn ourselves, improve ourselves, and perfect ourselves.

II. Major Accomplishments in Our Party’s Development over the Past 60 Years
In the past 60 years after establishing the new China, our party, as a ruling party, has always continuously strengthened and improved our party’s development. It has made significant accomplishments in all of the following aspects.

(1) Regarding the party’s Political Direction

In the past 60 years, our party has made unremitting efforts to determine and implement correct political base lines. … “The development and evolution of our party’s sixty years’ political direction have demonstrated that whether the political direction is correct or not has a direct impact on the causes of our party, our country and the people. The political base line is the life-line of our party’s entire activities. The foremost task of the party’s development is to define and insist on a correct political base line.”

(2) Regarding the Party’s Guiding Theories

… “Ever since the 16th National Congress of the CCP, the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party, headed by Comrade Hu Jintao, has persisted in following the important principles of Deng Xiaoping Theory and the “Three Represents” as the guiding ideology, continued to make breakthroughs in theory and practice, and pooled together the wisdom of all party members to propose major strategic ideologies, such as the Concept of Scientific Development. This socialist theory system with Chinese characteristics, which includes Deng Xiaoping’s Theory, the “Three Represents,” and the Concept of Scientific Development, adhere to and further develop Marxism, Leninism, and Mao’s Theory. It is the latest achievement in adapting Marxism to China’s situation. In the theoretical and political aspects, the formation of this scientific theory system is our party’s most significant accomplishment in the past 60 years.

 (3) Regarding the Development of the Party’s Cadre Team

… “In 1964, Comrade Mao Zedong raised the issue of fostering and forging successors for the revolutionary cause. Based on this, the Department of Organization of the Central Committee of the CCP proposed four measures for training and promoting new people. First, send young, educated, and outstanding cadres to the grass-roots level for training; second, send cadres with insufficient theoretical understanding but promising potential to different levels of the Communist Party schools to study; third, help cadres from workers and peasants who are not well educated to improve their education; fourth, party leaders make efforts to train successors by teaching, helping and guiding them. … In the past 60 years, our party, at different historic stages, has trained a cadre team that was, in general, capable of undertaking the tasks required by the situation at that particular historic stage, and has trained a large number of talented leaders to be good at governing the party and the country, as well as commanding the army. This is the key determining factor, which has helped our party to achieve great accomplishments in governance over a long period of time.

(4) Regarding Development of the Party’s Grass-roots Organizations

Emphasizing the development of our party’s grass-roots organizations is an organizational advantage of our party…. In the early 1960s, the Central Committee of the CCP created regulations for the party’s organizational work in three areas – the countryside, and industrial and commercial enterprises. The development of the party’s grass-roots organizations have thus become systemized and standardized. After the implementation of the “reform and opening up policy,” in addressing the new situations and problems arising in the grass-roots organizations, the Central Committee created a guiding policy and measures to comprehensively improve development in the countryside, enterprises, urban communities and organizations, schools, and new economic and social organizations. In the past 60 years, our party has been able to sustain its ruling authority stably over a long period of time, and complete its mission as a ruling party at different historic stages. This is largely attributed to the continual improvement in the development of grass-roots organizations, to the grass-root organizations acting as fortresses, and to the multitude of party members acting like role models in different front lines.
 
(5) Regarding the Development of the Party’s Working Style

During the revolutionary war time, our party formed three major working styles – theories to be connected with practice, a close relationship with the people, and criticism and self-criticism. They became the resource of power and the magical weapons to conquer the enemy. These are our party’s precious assets as a governing party. The practice in the past 60 years has proven that the party’s working style has an impact on the party’s image and on popular support for the party, which, in turn, has an impact on the livelihood of the party. It is a lasting and important task for the development of our party as a ruling party over a long period of time to enhance the development of the party’s working style with emphasis on maintaining a close connection with the people.

(6) Regarding the Development of the Party’s System

A (good) system is the guarantee of the long-term stability of the party and the country, because the system has the nature of being fundamental, comprehensive, stable, and enduring.… We have established the fundamental political system, including the People’s Democratic Dictatorship, the People’s Congress system, the CCP-led multi-party collaboration and political consultative system, and the ethnic autonomous region system.
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III. The Inspiration from the 60 Years of Practical Experience of Party Development

In light of the great journey our party and country have taken over the past 60 years since the founding of the new China, we can draw many great inspirations from the practices during the party’s development.

First, we must adhere to combining the fundamental principles of Marxism and the specific characteristics of China during a specific historic period, and firmly walk on the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics. 

The socialist path with China’s own characteristics is a path under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party, based on the specific circumstances of our country. It is a path centering around economic development, adhering to the four fundamental principles, and the reform and opening up policy. It is a path of liberating and developing social productivity and reinforcing and perfecting the socialist system. It is also a path of developing a socialist market economy, socialist democratic politics, socialist advanced culture, a socialist harmonious society, and a prosperous, democratic, civilized and harmonious socialist modernized country.

The most important thing in holding onto the socialist path with Chinese characteristics is to… combine the adhering to the four fundamental principles with the reform and opening up policy. The four fundamental principles are the foundation of our country, and the political cornerstone of our party and our country’s survival and development; reform and opening up is the path to a prosperous country, and is the energy source for the development of our party and our country.

Secondly, we must make sure the party’s focal task is, especially, to develop our party as a governing party so as to rejuvenate the country. One must make sure this is the foremost priority when building up our party. One must also ensure the party’s development is always meant to serve social and economic development. The party’s development has always been closely tied to and for the realization of the party’s central task.

Thirdly, we must hold onto our fundamental mission, direction, and goal of developing the party. That is, the party is for the public and for the people. It is for safeguarding and maximizing the people’s fundamental interests. We must keep a close relationship with the people. The principal mission for the party is to serve the people whole-heartedly. This is the fundamental distinction between our party and other political parties.

Fourthly, we must hold onto and perfect the Democratic Centralism system, develop inner-party democracy, maintain the authority of the Central Committee, and continuously invigorate the party and bring it under unity. Democratic Centralism is the basic organizational system and leadership system of the party. … The 60 years’ history has proven that in order to adhere to and improve Democratic Centralism, on one hand, we must fully promote inner-party democracy by respecting the dominant position of massive party members and ensuring their democratic rights stipulated by the charter; on the other hand, we must firmly maintain the authority of the Central Committee and safeguard the unity of our party.

Finally, we must take the development of the party’s governance and its advanced nature as the main theme. Reform and renovation being the driving force, we need to further advance the ideological, organizational, working style system, and anti-corruption development, so as to improve the development of the party holistically. The advanced nature of the party is the inherent nature of a Marxist political party; it is also where the life and the power of our party lie. When our party is the ruling party, the advanced nature is manifested in our governing activities.

Endnotes:
[1] The website of Study Times, September 28, 2009
http://www.studytimes.com.cn/WebPage/ny1.aspx?act=0&id=2937&bid=1
[2] Li Zicheng was one of the major figures in the rebellion that brought down the Ming Dynasty of China. He was declared Emperor of the Shun Dynasty in Xi’an, Shaanxi Province in January 1644. However his empire lasted for less than a year. He was killed in 1645.
[3] Xiaokang is a term from ancient Chinese literature. The current Chinese government uses this word to refer to a society with various socioeconomic characteristics, one major measure being that people are moderately well-off, with, a per capita GDP of over 3,000 US dollars.
[4] The term “conflicts of two different natures” often appears in Chinese communist literature. One type of conflict is internal to the people and thus not subject to the “Proletariat Dictatorship,” the other being the conflicts between the people and the enemy, in which the enemy is subject to the “Proletariat Dictatorship.”