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Chinese State-run Media Eulogizes Hu Yaobang

Former Chinese Communist Party (CCP) General Secretary Hu Yaobang died nearly 20 years ago. [1] On February 19, 2008, China’s official media Xinhua took a surprising turn in publishing an article that highly praised Hu Yaobang’s charisma and his character as public servant, citing Hu Yaobang’s willingness to offer his high position to others in his early days.  After the article was pasted into a forum on the mainland website, many people followed up and pasted their comments. Since this article was published before the upcoming first plenary session of the 11th National People’s Congress (NPC) and the 1st Session of the 11th Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC) to be held in March 2008, it triggered speculation. Following to the June 4th, 1989 Tiananmen Square incident, Hu Yaobang’s name has rarely been mentioned in Chinese official media. Now, before the upcoming NPC and CPPCC sessions, this move by the CCP state-controlled media to publish such an article has inevitably triggered people to speculate upon possible upcoming CCP personnel changes. This is the only sense that has been made of why Xinhua would suddenly initiate a public move to eulogize Hu Yaobang, especially on the issue of offering his seat to others. [2] Below is a translation of the Chinese official media’s article on Hu Yaobang:

The quality of a public servant Hu Yaobang: being unconcerned about the rank, but whether the virtue is good enough for the rank

Hu Yaobang died 19 years ago, but his voice and expression, his great achievements, his character of a public servant, are still deeply etched in people’s memory. In people’s memory, his noble character, sterling integrity, and his charisma, are still widely praised by people.

Offering his position to others

Hu Yaobang once said: "I took part in the revolution in my teens. I never wanted to be any official." He talked the talk and walked the walk. One document stored in the File Room of the Central Committee of the Youth League may serve as evidence. It is a letter written by Hu Yaobang during the 8th National People’s Congress (NPC), as follows:

Comrade Chen Yun, and Xiaoping, (please forward to the Chairman and Comrades in the Secretariat of the Central Committee),

This morning, when I attended the meeting, and saw my name placed in the predetermined name list of the formal members of the Central Committee, a huge pain came from the bottom of my heart. Several times I wanted to stand up to raise this issue, but always felt embarrassed. When it was about to the end of the meeting, I gathered enough courage to stand up, but people said, "Do not talk about personal problems," so I had to sit down.
I never expected that I would be nominated as a member of the Central Committee. I did not underestimate myself; I have weighed myself. I have calculated like this–if our Party is consisted of a core of more than 2,000 elected leaders, I can probably be put in. Later, it was decided to elect about one hundred leaders (I fully support this), yet if it has my name in, I would feel very disturbed. Then I took another look; it would not be good if no one in charge of youth affairs is selected. So I tried my best to suppress my feeling, I didn’t mention it nor did I discuss with other comrades. Because I was promoted too fast, yet I didn’t do well, I owe the Party my debt. I could try hard to compensate for it. From this point, I felt I should understand it from the overall situation.

Now my name was again listed there as one of the 97 formal Central Committee members. I could not understand it. This way I dare not face the majority members in the alternative member list, who during the past few years or longer time, have contributed to the Party several times more than I have. This is a huge pressure on me. No matter what, Chairman and Comrades of the Central Committee, please put my name in the alternative member list.

I was a little excited and my writing has failed to convey my thoughts.  Please pardon me.


Hu Yaobang
September 22, 1956

The CCP Central Committee paid a lot attention to Hu Yaobang’s letter, and asked Liu Lantao to talk to Hu Yaobang. Liu said to him, “The Central Committee leaders thought someone in charge of the Youth League should be a member of the Central Committee. Hu Yaobang’s experience met this requirement. Now that this is decided, he should not bring it up any more.”

On September 27, 1956, when the 8th National People’s Congress elected the Central Committee members, Hu Yaobang was elected. After the conference, Hu Yaobang, Wang Hetao and Zhang Liqun rode in one car and returned to his home. As they sat in the living room Hu Yaobang’s assistant and secretary congratulated him.  Hu looked serious and said, “There is nothing to congratulate about! It is not appropriate! There are so many provincial Party committee secretaries, ministers of the Central Committee, generals in the Army–they have more credits and experience than me, yet they are the alternative members of the Central Committee. I wrote a letter to Chairman Mao, pleading him not to arrange for me to be a member of the Central Committee. If I am needed for the work, I can be one of the alternative members. But my suggestion was not taken. I could not feel at ease.”
[1] From June 1981 to January 1987, Hu Yaobang filled the position of General Secretary of the CCP Central Committee. From June 1981 to September 1982, he was Chairman and General Secretary of the Communist Party of China. Hu Yaobang was considered a reformist in China; he was once Deng Xiaoping and Zhao Ziyang’s close political partner, and was expected to be the first successor selected by Deng Xiaoping. Once, after the 13th NPC, Deng Xiaoping considered letting Hu Yaobang take the offices of President of State and Chairman of the Central Military Commission. The “Discussion of the Truth Standard” and “Promoting Cleaning up all Confusions and Rectifying Reversals of Right and Wrong¨ are considered to be Hu Yaobang’s two major achievements. According to CCP documents from 1987, the top CCP veterans believed that Hu Yaobang was responsible for the intellectuals’ “bourgeois liberalization tendency,” and requested for Hu to resign. Deng Xiaoping criticized Hu Yaobang and said Hu should be held responsible for the protests launched by the student movement in 1986. In 1987 Hu Yaobang was forced to resign.
[2] Xinhua, February 19, 2008

Previous Discussions of the Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the CCP

The Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), also known as Politburo of the CCP, is elected by the Plenary Session of CCP’s Central Committee. The members of the Politburo are known as Politburo commissioners. When the Central Committee is not in session, the Politburo and its Standing Committee exercise the power and authority of the Central Committee. On October 22, the 17th National Congress of the CCP elected Hu Jintao as the General Secretary of the CCP Central Committee, and elected Hu Jintao, Wu Bangguo, Wen Jiabao, Jia Qinglin, Li Changchun, Xi Jinping, Li Keqiang, He Guoqiang, and Zhou Yongkang as the members of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau. Besides these 9 Standing Committee members, the Politburo also has 16 other members, they are:

Wang Gang: Central Work Department head.
Wang Lequan: Party chief of the Xinjiang Autonomous Region.
Wang Zhaoguo: Vice-Chairman of the National People’s Congress, Chair of the All-China Federation of Trade Unions.
Wang Qishan: Executive Chair of the Organizing Committee and Deputy General Secretary of the Beijing Olympics.
Hui Liangyu: Vice-Premier.
Liu Qi: Party chief of Beijing, head of the Beijing Olympics organizing committee.
Liu Yunshan: Central Publicity Minister, Secretary of the CCP Central Secretariat.
Liu Yandong (female): Vice-Chair of The Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC)
Li Yuanchao: General Secretary of the Secretariat of The Central Committee of the CCP, CPC Organization Department head.
Wang Yang: Party chief of Guangdong.
Zhang Gaoli: Party chief of Tianjin.
Zhang Dejiang: no posts in the administration
Yu Zhengsheng: Party chief of Shanghai.
Xu Caihou: Vice-Chairman of Central Military Commission.
Guo Boxiong: Executive Vice-Chairman of Central Military Commission.
Bo Xilai: Party chief of Chongqing.

On September 17, 2007, Xinhua News published a report of the general overviews of the previous discussions of the Political Bureau. Below is the translation to this report. [1]
Original editorial note: Dai Guofang, a reader from Jiangsu Province, sent a letter and asked for descriptions of the Politburo’s discussions, led by President Hu. As of August 28, 2007, the Politburo had held 43 sessions of group discussions. This article gathered the following information for your reference.
1st 26 Dec 02 The Constitution of China
2nd 28 Jan 03 The world economic situation and the developing economics of China
3rd 28 Mar 03 The development of the world employment situation and studies of the employment policy in China
4th 28 Apr 03 Apr 03 The development of modern technology in the world, in China, as well as using modern technology for prevention and cure of SARS
5th 23 May 03 The development of the changes in the situation of the new world military and powers
6th 21 Jul 03 A rreview of the changes over time of the Party ideology and theories
7th 12 Aug 03 The development of world culture and China’s culture development strategy
8th 29 Sep 03 Insisting on governing the nation according to law, and building the Socialist political civilization
9th 24 Nov 03 Historical reviews of major countries’ developments since the 15th century
10th 23 Feb 04 Patterns in the world and China’s safety circumstances
11th 29 Mar 04 Today’s world agricultural development situation and the agricultural development of China
12th 26 Apr 04 The development of legislative affairs and the perfecting Socialism marketing economics system
13th 28 May 04 Flourishing and developing China’s science of philosophy and social science
14th 29 Jun 04 Strengthening the Party’s ability to govern China
15th 24 Jul 04 Insisting on the guideline of developing self-defense and economics simultaneously and harmoniously
16th 10.21 Oct 04 Several historic issues on ethical relationships
17th 12.1 Dec 04 Reviewing the path of exploring Chinese Socialism
18th 12.27 Dec 04 China’s strategy for development facing 2020
19th 1.24 Jan 05 Discussions on keeping Party members advanced in the new period
20th 2.21 Feb 05 Working hard on constructing a harmonious Socialist society
21st 5.31 May 05 Several issues on the strategies of development of China’s economics
22nd 5.31 May 05 Economics globalization and the new characteristics of today’s international trade
23rd 6.27 Jun 05 The international situation on energy and resources and China’s strategy
24th 8.26 Aug 05 Looking back on the wars of anti-Fascism and thoughts
25th 9.29 Sep 05 The developing models of overseas cities and the paths of constructing cities with China’s characteristics
26th 11.25 Nov 05 Studies of Marxism in the world as well as studies done by China and the project of constructing it in China
27th 12.20 Dec 05 Reformation on the systems of administration and management and perfecting the systems of economics and law
28th 25 Jan 06 About constructing the new Socialism in rural areas
29th 21 Feb 06 The changing pattern of the international industrial structure and choosing China’s strategies to accelerate our economic grow
{mospagebreak} 30th 27 Mar 06 The policies of construction safety of other countries and strengthening China’s policy on construction safety
31st 26 May 06 The copyright protection policy of other countries and the construction of China’s copyright protection policy
32nd 29 Jun 06 Insisting on governing the nation scientifically, democratically, and based on the law.
33rd 25 Jul 06 Looking back on the triumph of the Long March of the Red Army and thoughts
34th 29 Aug 06 The world’s trend on the development of education and the deepening of China’s reforms on education
35th 23 Oct 06 Other countries health and medical care systems and China’s developments of them
36th 30 Nov 06 Studies of the construction of China’s Socialist democracy of the common people
37th 25 Dec 06 About building an energy-saving society in China
38th 23 Jan 07 The technical development of the Internet in the world and construction and management of China’s Internet culture
39th 15 Feb 07 Regional development in other countries and promoting the harmony of China’s regional development
40th 23 Mar 07 Several issues on establishing and carrying out the Property Law
41st 23 Apr 07 Studies of China’s agriculture standardization and food safety
42nd 26 Jul 07 Nanchang Revolution and the establishment of the revolutionary base area in Jinggangshan Mountain
43rd 28 Aug 07 The world situation on finance and China’s reformation of the financial system

[1] Xinhua, September 17, 2007

Project Launched With Strict Criteria: Recruiting Olympic Usher Girls from Ten Colleges in Shanghai

Xinmin Evening News reported that recruiting for Olympic usher girls from ten colleges in Shanghai began on February 13, 2008. Shanghai followed Beijing in beginning this process. It was reported that 40 college girls would be chosen to represent “Shanghai Image, China Etiquette.”  They will participate in the medal ceremonies for the 2008 Summer Olympics and the Handicapped Olympics. [1]
College girls will be selected from Fudan University, Shanghai Jiaotong University, Shanghai Theatre Academy and seven other colleges. Not only do they have to satisfy the age requirements of between 18 to 24 years old but also their heights must range from 1.68m to 1.78m.  Meanwhile, the criteria of these girls’ weights, face shapes, skin colors, manners and intelligence are also strictly laid out. The judges will divide the registered girls into groups and hold preliminary, semi-final and final contests. The total processing time is one month.

Olympics Usher Girls’ Appearance Criteria:

1. Facial Appearance Criteria:

Three distances, the distance from the hairline on forehead to the upper start point of the nose bridge, the length of the nose and the distance from the tip of the nose to the lowest chin point, should be equal.

The lengths of the eyes, the distance between the two tear ducts and the width of the nose should be equal.

When the distance from the lower nose ending point to the lowest chin point is divided into three equal parts, the first divided line should be between two lips, and the second divided line should be the lower line of the lower lip.

The start points of the eye brows should be right above the tear duct; the ending point of the eye brow, the outside corner of the eye and the widest point of the nose should be on the same line.

2. Five Sense Organs’ Criteria

The heights of the eyes should be three tenths of the face length;

The distance between eye brow and eye should be one tenth of the face length;

The nose width should be one tenth of the face width;

The mouth width should be equal to the distance between the pupils;
The chin length should be one sixth of the face length.

3. Body and Four Limbs’ Criteria

The skeleton of the whole body should be symmetrical and proper;

The muscles should be elastic, showing health and the body’s beauty.

The body shape should be plump but not fat and clumsy.

The skin should be reddish and shining.

The four limbs should be long; the overall body should not be heavy-headed.

The thighs should show nice curves and the calf muscles should be high and a little bit popped out.

The two shoulders should be symmetrical, round and smooth, but should not drop down or pop up.

The overall body should not be clumsy, or have loose fat or be too skinny or unbalanced. Looking from the back, the spine should be straight, showing a beautiful body line.

Xinmin Evening News, February 13, 2008

An Internet Policeman’s Confession

It is not news that the Chinese regime routinely censors the Internet, though it remains opaque to many who want to learn how the government applies information management in an era with new technologies. The following anonymous story appeared at an overseas discussion board, which is hosted by Microsoft, and tells a personal story of a Chinese Internet policeman. Although not published at a credible media (it is highly risky for a Chinese Internet policeman to tell his work to any journalist), we believe the accounts conform to the visible pattern of the Chinese regime’s control of the Internet. Thus, it is the reader’s decision whether to take it as a fiction or a report. [1]
Flickr was unfortunately blocked. I felt uneasy momentarily and thus wrote this following article. I hope that my personal space will not be blocked because of this article.

I am a policeman. However, my job is not to enforce the law in real life, but rather to find problems and solutions in a virtual world. Some people curse us, some hate us, and some constantly look for ways to go against us. But who really understands our difficulties and reluctances?

I have always loved computers and the Internet since I was a child. Nine years ago, with my good grades and test scores, I got into the computer science department of a famous university. There, I got to know more and more about the Internet. During my junior year, I found some of my classmates were using a program called “eDonkey.” They were using it to download some weird files. Finally, I figured out that they were “porn.” I was a pure and innocent young man back then and I could not bear those things that contaminate people’s minds. Since then, I was determined to study Internet techniques so that I could get rid of these unbearable things. The four years in college soon passed. With my university diploma, CISCO Internet engineering diploma, and Microsoft MVP diploma, etc., I walked into the door of the recruiting office of the city police department to apply for the Internet supervisor position.

Relying on my good communication and excellent technical skills, I was approved by the admission officials among more than ten applicants. After a series of training sessions, I quickly became an Internet police officer. My first job was to manage the ISP security log system of the city. My responsibility was to detect and stop Internet hackers. In the beginning, there were not many serious combat episodes. However, as SQL was having a vulnerability issue and more and more Windows vulnerabilities were exposed, it was no longer difficult to hack into systems even for rookies. Thus, we were getting busier and busier. More and more young people carelessly tried to hack into the websites of the government and big companies—which are the sites we watch most carefully—and they all paid for their actions due to our efforts. Since I was doing so well, I was well-recognized by the upper officials within a year, and I was promoted up to the provincial Internet supervision group. When Japan’s prime minister visited the Yasukuni Shrine, many indignant young “hackers” attacked Japanese websites and websites of Japanese companies located in China. I was not against this so-called nationalist fever. However, we then received an order to destroy these “people who destruct orderly Internet.” Once we got the order, we took vigorous efforts and obtained lots of evidence. We discovered many organized hacker groups. Cooperating with the local police, we captured all of them. I received the second-level award and was again promoted to the national Internet supervision bureau of the Ministry of Public Security.
I had a totally different kind of work there. I was no longer doing things such as anti-hacker work. Instead, I was responsible for the biggest and most tedious work in the Internet supervision group. To the outside world, it was said that we “supervise international websites.” However, to the internal branches or our upper officials, we were responsible for the management and maintenance of the “Golden Shield Project”—a project of the Ministry of Public Security and State Security that the government had adopted from another country with a huge expense. Actually, I knew about it even before I went to college. Back then, the two most famous personal space providers, “Geocities” and “Tripod,” were the first two victims of this filter system. However, this system got really powerful when this “Golden Shield Project” was started. Our everyday work in the supervision group of the Ministry of Public Security was through our special Internet connection (we are on the “white list”) to collect information about overseas websites, then analyze them, and figure out which ones should be blocked. Our blocking system was on top of the national and several provincial’s ISP ports. It mainly includes two parts: data package port analysis and data package content analysis. We take turns to be on-call 24 hours a day and analyze countless numbers of websites and look for our targets. The most prioritized ones are obviously the anti-government organizations, such as Taiwan’s news and political groups, Democracy Movement groups, and Falun Gong organizations, and the three groups that try to get independency. For the websites of these groups, we not only have to constantly update their main servers’ names and IPs and put them into the blacklist, but more importantly, we have to constantly update the keywords of their websites and put them into the keyword blacklist. Our targets were determined by many factors. Some internal references were passed to us from the upper and lower branches, and others were based on our investigation results. For example, before Chairman Hu Jintao visited United States, we received the order of temporarily opening up access to part of the U.S. news websites. In the past years, there have been some disharmonious incidents in the local area. The local governments often block the information on the regional level and also turn in these internal references to the upper government branches including the security, political, and judicial branches. Also, some anti-government people often get arrested. Usually, the upper branch would tell us to put the keywords of this news into the blacklist. Many times the range of these keywords is extremely wide and thus would implicate some unrelated people. This includes people who are against false science—Fang Shimin and Si Manan and such, whom I really admire. As long as these websites have services that are used by the anti-government people, they will be immediately blocked. But we do not have a choice, because without an order from the upper branch, we have no power in deleting keywords from the blacklist. Every year the number of the overseas websites and servers that are on the blacklist increases. For example, only because it has something that we do not wish to see, Wikipedia—an ingenious invention of the Internet era—has all its servers on the blacklist, which are thus blocked. The Chinese Wikipedia’s domain names and some contents are also on the keywords blacklist. In the recent period, since the Internet is getting more and more complicated, our work is thus getting more and more intense. Many times we would also make small mistakes and would mistakenly block some websites that have not reached the danger-level standards set by the upper branches. Also many times, because a server of ours or the blocked ones have been upgraded, the data may not get updated quickly enough. So some websites that have been blocked for a long time would be temporarily unblocked. For instance, it happened to Wikipedia in the second half of last year. Recently it has been a very sensitive period and even our upper officials began to get nervous. They ordered us to adopt the policy that when in doubt, rather than missing one website and let it get away, we would prefer to block 1000 websites that are not supposed be blocked. Therefore, many overseas personal space services, online photo services that have long been famous, became useless inside China.
There are many people who resent us, and it is not only limited to those who are anti-government. They sarcastically call our system the “Great Firewall,” or call us “Golden Shield”—the name of this security information project. They have all kinds of ways to get around our filter system and look at the things “outside the window.” These programs include “Freegate,” “Ultrareach,” “Garden,” and “Fire Phoenix.” Of course, there are also neutral and purely technical software for anonymously encrypting Internet systems, such as “Onion Routing Tor” and those overseas websites that provide anonymous browsing. In order to deal with these things, we have thought of many ideas. “Freegate” and “Ultrareach” are widely used encrypting systems. Their old versions of index servers have already been put into the blacklist. However, we have not found a good solution. For Tor, we have also studied it a lot since it is an open source program. We have tried to set the “TorNode” in China that is controlled by us, in order to supervise the Tor users, but we were never able to find the characteristics of the data packages that Tor sends, nor could we decrypt Tor’s Internet transmission data. If the TorNode we set is the final node and can pass around our system, then the Node will be exposed; if our final Node is within the domain supervised by our system, then we will not be able to obtain any interesting information we need, because the node has been filtered by our system. We are still doing research very intensively, but I think as for our current software and hardware, we cannot promise on always dealing with the encrypted information successfully. As for Internet transmission encrypted by HTTPS protocol, although filtering is virtually impossible (even for the Internet supervision branches of the CIA and FBI in the United States, which have countless supercomputers, it is very hard to achieve 100 percent success). However, through filtering the keywords in the HTML certifications, we can easily and effectively stop the links.

I am risking being charged with betraying confidential matters and sent this article out through encryption with Tor. It was just to let it off my mind a little bit. I also hope that those people will get to know that we are not the chief plotters. We only carry out actions. Actually many people who oppose us have already figured out the things I wrote, so they are not really secrets anymore. As for another point, my dream of many years—stopping Internet porn—we still cannot achieve at this point. “eDonkey” has become “eMule” and it is even harder to deal with.


Reliance on Taiwan’s Desire for Independence: Contradiction for the Chinese Communist Party

In a recent opinion article, Mr. Chen Pokong, a political commentator for Radio Free Asia, believed that the main purpose of Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP) expansion of its military force is to reinforce and protect its power instead of national defense. As CCP could not frankly admit that, it finds many good excuses for its military expansion, such as opposing Taiwan’s independence, terrorism or hegemony. Please read the translation of the full text of the article below: [1]
Whenever the international community questioned the motivation for the CCP’s military expansion, the CCP maintained that the buildup was required for national defense. On some occasions, it also indicated that military expansion was an effort against Taiwan independence.

Nevertheless, the U.S. as well as many western countries and many among China’s neighbors maintained that the CCP’s military expansion was far beyond preparations for national defense. Keating, the U.S. Pacific Commander who recently visited China, has also pointed out this issue. Regarding the CCP’s amassment of military strength, based on what the CCP has indicated, one might consider that this burgeoning military was in development for waging some form of “Taiwan Strait War.” However, the size of China’s military force registers far beyond that which would be required for such a clash.

During the past twenty years the CCP has constantly expanded its military power, while overall military expenses have increased in double digits annually, reaching one hundred billion yuan each year. Under an outside estimate, the CCP’s actual military expense has been two to three times more than the published figure. Each year during the CCP’s “two conferences,” the National People’s Congress (NPC) and the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC), the CCP publishes its annual fiscal budget. The military budget has always topped the list among all categories.

For example, in March 2007 when the “two conferences” were held, Chinese authorities placed special emphasis on rhetoric centered around “people’s lives.” Still, the military expenses remained paramount among the key budgets, with military expenditures totaling 350.921 billion yuan this fiscal year, an increase of 52.99 billion, or 17.8%. This allotment comprised 7.5% of the country’s annual budget, and military expenses exceeded the “Three Nong” expenditures. [2] These expenses concerned 800 million farmers when farmers were considered the largest “people’s lives” problem. Total expenses for technology, education, health and culture were less than half of that spent for the Chinese military.
When viewed in light of the issue of Taiwan’s independence, the CCP evidences an intriguing mindset. On the one hand, if the Taiwanese government were to go so far as to actually assert its independence, the CCP would be in a position of losing face. All these years, the CCP has projected its voice very loudly against Taiwan independence both within its nation and abroad. On the other hand, if Taiwan maintained a level of quiet about its independence, the CCP would not know what to do. It would no longer have an excuse to keep up the rate of military expansion. However, it would not feel safe if the military expansion were stopped. In fact, the CCP has placed its stakes on the issue of Taiwan’s independence always being there in the long run. So, when the CCP talks about striking out against Taiwan independence, it is half-true at best. There is an unspoken dependence on the existence of Taiwan’s clamour.

From the issue of Tibet, we catch the CCP’s trick. The Dalai Lama publicly announced that he had given up on the idea of Tibetan independence stating that, moreover, he would like to concede that Tibet is a part of China, but he did so in the hopes that Tibet would be autonomous to a great extent. He even used the CCP’s term, “One Country Two Systems,” in hopes of solving the Tibetan issue. However, the CCP not only didn’t appreciate the offer but also continued to “criticize” the Dalai Lama, forcing Tibet to remain labeled as a region striving for independence. Internationally, people all know about the Dalai Lama’s view on Tibet, which is no demand for independence, but only a demand for autonomy. Only the Chinese people wrongly continue to think that the Dalai Lama is still demanding Tibetan independence.

The purpose of the CCP’s distorted propaganda has been to delay peace talks with the Dalai Lama. In the meantime, it seeks to transform Tibetan culture behind the Dalai Lama’s back so that it can completely control Tibet. The CCP shuns the responsibility for the peace talk failures and has persuaded people to consider that it was the fault of the Dalai Lama and the exiled Tibetan government. Thus the CCP has rid itself of the pressure of the constant demands for peace talks from the international communities.

Coming back to the Taiwan issue the situation is about the same. With the excuse of striving against Taiwan’s independence, the CCP has developed and accumulated a lot of military power. It also can hold high the flags of nationalism and patriotism in front of the Chinese people, which are now precisely the CCP’s raison d’etre while facing the collapse of spiritual belief in China.

Moreover, while the CCP plays at smoke and mirrors in the name of opposing Taiwan’s independence, it has effectively blocked Chinese people from viewing the democracy in Taiwan. It has thus avoided the direct influence and impact of Taiwan democracy. Not to mention that the CCP’s media had already demonized Taiwan’s democracy and regularly disparages and smears the democracy in Taiwan by comparing it with its own Cultural Revolution.
With the coming election in Taiwan this year, the CCP does not necessarily hope for Ma Ying-jeou’s victory as many have predicted. With its complicated mentality, the CCP does not yearn for the “Taiwan independence” issue to cool down, neither does it wish for the conflict to disappear. Between the two sides of the Strait, if the topic of “democracy and dictatorship” replaced that of “unification and independence” it would be a big disaster for the CCP.

Let’s predict what would happen if Ma Ying-jeou were to be elected. He promotes “no unification, no independence, no force.” Once in office, the CCP would still transform his image, rendering Ma as one who is seeking a different form of independence for Taiwan. The CCP would criticize him. Or if Hsieh Chang-ting won?–he promotes “conciliation and paragenesis.” Irrespective, the CCP would give him the fixed tag of “Taiwan independence” and suppress him in the long run.

I still need to repeat my previous reminders: the CCP started to increase military expenditures and expand its military force on a grand scale in 1989, after the June 4th incident. When the CCP expands its military force at will its main purpose is to reinforce and protect its power. The Chinese military is for controlling its people, but not for defense. The CCP could not frankly admit that. Thus, it finds many good excuses for its military expansion, such as opposing Taiwan’s independence, terrorism or hegemony.

[1] Radio Free Asia, January 30, 2008
[2] The “Three Nong” are Nong Cui – countryside, Nong Min – farmers and Nong Ye – agriculture.

A Peasant, Visited by Hu Jintao, is a Professional “Official Visit Receiver”

On January 12, 2008, The China Central Television (CCTV) reported that Mr. Hu Jintao, the President of China visited Mr. Zheng Jichao, an ordinary peasant of Liying village, Wangjiaba town, Funan County, Anhui Province. In the footage, President Hu was shown drinking tape water. It turned out that Zheng, actually, is an experienced “professional impersonator,” who was visited by five batches of local government officials and interviewed by two batches of reporters. An Internet user found this out after a simple search on the Internet. The search results are translated and listed below: [1]
The First Time: (November 15, 2007)

Zheng was first visited on November 15, 2007, by Zhao Kai, deputy secretary of the Work Committee for offices directly under the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China, who came to Fuyang for inspection and salute and was accompanied by Hu Liansong, vice chairman of the National People’s Congress and municipal party committee secretary, Zhang Shaochun and Li Hongta, provincial heads in certain divisions, and Liu Shaotai, vice mayor.

At a house reconstruction site, 50-year-old Zheng held Zhao Kai’s hand and said happily, “the residence building is built and the road is widened. We use methane to cook food and our life is enhanced. For all of these, we are thankful for the Communist Party and government’s care and support.” Zhao Kai was very happy to know those villagers whose houses fell were satisfied with the newly reconstructed houses. He said reconstruction work after a disaster was critical to public vitality, interest, social stability, and key development; therefore, everyone must work hard to ensure completeness of the reconstruction task.

Source: (official website of Anhui Province’s Center for Education of Chinese Communist Party members)

The Second Time: (November 23, 2007)
On November 23, 2007, the heads of the county, town, and village all came to Zheng’s home and asked him this and that, and also brought him winter jackets, quilts, and flour. They asked him again and again if he needed any help. When Li Guoqing, the deputy county head, heard his fallen-down house had been reconstructed and they had no worries about food and clothing, he then felt relieved and left. When Zheng wore the winter jacket handed out by the county head, he was so grateful to say, “The winter jacket was new and thick, wearing it warmed my heart. The things we didn’t think through were thought by our government!”

Source: (official website of Fuyang city government, Anhui Province)
The Third Time: (December 5, 2007)
On December 5, 2007, Zhao Shucong, provincial party committee member and executive vice governor, was accompanied by Song Weiping, the municipal party committee secretary, and Song Jiawei, a municipal party committee member and deputy mayor of the standing committee, to a house reconstruction site and Zheng Jichao’s home. After seeing Zheng’s home had been rebuilt and he had no worries about food and clothing, Zhao Shucong encouraged Zheng to make a good use of compensation money to further development and become rich sooner.

Zheng said there were three or four groups of people that came to his home to verify the loss. They all took notes carefully to record what he said. They all had a clear recording. Holding 3979.85 yuan for the compensation and 5000 yuan for his home reconstruction, Zhen said he would build the house nicely and plan well for the next year’s production.

Source: (website of Fuyang city radio station)

The Fourth Time: (December 10, 2007)

On December 10, 2007, Wang Sanyun, Anhui provincial party committee deputy secretary and acting governor was accompanied by Zhang Jun, secretary-general of Anhui provincial government, and other division heads to Fuyang to investigate and guide the work.

Wang Sanyun came to a house reconstruction site in Wangjiaba in Funan to observe the construction work. In Zhentaizi, the roads were smooth, water towers were built, and villagers were happy and busy wrapping up the new houses. After heard a report by the town heads, Wang Sanyun was very happy. He walked into Zheng Jichao’s new three-room home and asked him the source of the house-building and quality of the house. “Are you happy with your new home?” “Certainly! With the government’s support, I now live in a good home.” Wang Sanyun handed Zhen Jichao a cotton quilt and reminded him of keeping warm in winter.

Meng Qingyin, Qi Long, Wang Haiyan, Chu Jinshui, Du Changping, Liu Shaotai, Hu Mingying, Tao Kegui, and Li Zipeng, the city heads, also accompanied Wang Sanyun to do the investigation.

Source: (website of Science and Technology Association of Fuyang city)
The Fifth Time: (December18, 2007)

Interviewed by Reporters:

Zheng Jichao said, “At that moment I was moved to tears.” “No sooner had the flood receded, the verification of flood disasters and compensation tasks in the county started.” “My family was eligible for a compensation of more than 10,000 Yuan. I was so very happy.” I told everybody I met, “We have no fear no matter how big the flood since the Party (CCP) is the patron of our people.” 

Source: (official website of Chinese Communist Party’s Commission For Discipline Inspection of Guilin City, Guangxi Zhuang Autonomous Region and Guiling City Government’s Bureau of Supervision)

The Sixth Time: (December 18, 2007)

After more than one hour’s drive, the reporters’ eyes were widely opened when they stepped into Zhengtai and Zhizhuangtai in Wangjiaba Town, Funan County.  The original flood-damaged and dilapidated-houses have disappeared. What cast into their eyes is another scene with rows of brand-new flats, with stalls of bright fences, and a spacious paved road that directly leads through the two sides of Zhuangtai. There is a newly built water tower, surrounded by flowers and lawns…

From a distance through the iron fences, Zheng Jichao was just taking a sunbath in the yard. He heard that the reporter was coming to interview; Zheng Jichao stood up in a hurry, and also came the neighbors around the village by ones and twos.”

“Look at the design and planning of our houses, are they comparable to the houses in the cities?” “Your reporters have seen much more than we; how is the tree planting project here?” The folks asked the reporter with feeling of joy. Pointing at the new houses, Zheng Jichao said to the reporters, “The government really cares about me. I was subsidized for 5,000 Yuan for the house and a few hundred Yuan for fixing up the yard. Even the fence was free. Now the tap water and town gas are connected to our house. A few days ago, the town sent us two sacks of flour. I am free from worries of food, dwelling and cooking. Although the weather is cold, our hearts feel warm”.

Source: (official website of Anhui Province’s Center for Education of Chinese Communist Party members)
The Seventh Time: (January 12, 2008)

In the afternoon of January 12, Hu Jintao made a special visit to inspect the Wangjiaba Gateway despite the wind and snow. In last summer, for the sake of the bigger Huai River project, the people in the flood storage made a great sacrifice. The General Secretary had been thinking of the folks in the area and made a special visit to Zhengtai and Zhizhuangtai, Liying village, Wangjiaba Town, Hunan County. After inspected the reinforced protection slope of Zhuangtai and the announcement of compensation, Hu came to Zheng Jichao’s home.

As soon as he entered the house, the General Secretary held the host’s hand, and said with deep feeling, “The folks suffered in the Huai River flood last summer. Now it is winter and cold, I have worried whether you have other difficulties in your life. Today I specifically came here for you.” Zheng Jichao told the General Secretary, “Owing to the help of the Party and the government, I have built my new house and have support for my living.” “Have you received the state’s compensation for the flood?” asked the General Secretary.

“Yes, it is right here”. Zheng Jicha said while taking a red deposit book from his pocket. Hu took over the deposit and counted the amount. He then smiled at Zheng Jichao and said, “Like this, I do not need to worry anymore.”

Upon leaving Zheng’s house, Hu Jintao saw the tap pipes in the yard.  He turned on the faucet, and drank some water from his palms. The General Secretary’s act of caring deeply for the people touched the people who were on the scene.

Source: (CCTV)

So far, the Party leaders who have visited Zheng Jichao’s home are listed below (listed in the order of official rank from low to high, exclude the village and town leaders):

Li Guoqing, Funan County Governor
Li Zipeng, Secretary-General of Fuyang City government
Tao Kegui, Municipal CPPCC Vice Chairman
Hu Mingying, Vice Mayor of Fuyang City
Liu Shaotai, Vice Mayor of Fuyang City
Du Changping, Vice Mayor of Fuyang City
Chu Jinshui, Fuyang City People’s Congress Deputy Director
Wang Haiyan, Fuyang City CPC Committee, Vice Mayor
Qilong, Fuyang City CPC Committee,
Song Jiawei, Fuyang City CPC Committee; City Deputy Director of the NPC Standing Committee
Meng Qingyin, Fuyang City Deputy Secretary
Sun Yunfei, Mayor of Fuyang City, Fuyang City Deputy Secretary
Li Hongta, Province Bureau of Civil Affairs
Zhang Shaochun, Deputy Secretary-General of Anhui Province
Song Weiping, Fuyang City Deputy Secretary, Chief of Municipal People’s Congress
Zhangjun, Government Chief Secretary of Anhui Province
Hu Liansong, Vice Chairman of Anhui Provincial People’s Congress Standing Committee, former Fuyang City Party Secretary
Zhao Shucong, The Standing Committee of the CPC Anhui Provincial Committee, deputy governor of Anhui Province
Zhao Kai, Deputy Decretary of the Work Committee in the Departments under the Central Committee
Wang Yun, Deputy Secretary of the CPC Anhui Provincial Committee, Acting Governor of Anhui Province
Wang Jinshan, Secretary of the CPC Anhui Provincial Committee
Wen Jiabao, The People’s Republic of China Premier
Hu Jintao, China People’s Republic of China, secretary of the Communist Party of China Central Committee

[1], January 26, 2008

A List of China’s Princelings and Their Corresponding Posts

On September 7, 2007,, an overseas Chinese news website, published an updated list of China’s Princelings [1] and their corresponding posts. [2] The Union of Chinese Nationalists (UCN)published the original list. According to its website, UCN firmly believes in the Three Principles of the People [3], opposes despotic dictatorships, defends China’s sovereignty, and opposes the split of national territory.

1. He Guangwei – director-general of the National Tourism Administration (Born 1944; Origin: Huarong, Hunan Province; son of He Changgong, a former vice-chairman of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPPCC))

2. Wang Guangtao – minister of the Ministry of Construction (Born 1943; son of Wang Daohan, a former Shanghai Mayor and a former President of the Association for Relations across the Taiwan Strait)

3. Wang Jingxiang – CEO of the Gangxinxing Corporation (daughter of Wang Daohan)

4. Zhou Xiaochuan – governor of People’s Bank of China (Born January, 1948; Origin: Yixing, Jiangsu Province; son of Zhou Jiannan, a former Minister of Ministry of Machine Building Industry and Ministry of Construction)

5. Lin Yanzhi – Undersecretary of Jilin’s Provincial Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) (Born April 1948; Origin: Wang Kui, Heilongjiang Province; son of Lin Feng, a former Vice-Chairman of the National People’s Congress)

6. Hu Deping – vice-president of the All China Federation of Industry and Commerce, secretary of the Party Leadership Group and vice-minister of the United Front Work Department, CCCPC (Born November 1942; Origin: Liuyang, Hunan Province; first son of Hu Yaobang, a former general secretary of The CPC Central Committee)

7. Liu Hu –China Resources Standing Committee director and deputy general manager (Hu Yaobang’s second son)

8. An Li – a former Xiamen Vice-Mayor (wife of Hu Deping; daughter of An Ziwen, a former Minister of the Organization Department of the CCCPC)

9. An Min – vice-minister of the Ministry of Commerce (Born April 1945; Origin: Suide, Shaanxi Province; son of An Ziwen, a former Minister of the Organization Department of the CCCPC)
10. Lou Jiwei – vice-minister of the Minister of Finance (Born December 1950; Origin: Yiwu, Zhejiang Province; brother-in-law of Chen Qingtai, a deputy director and secretary of the Party Leadership Group of Development Research Centre of The State Council)

11. Li Tieying – vice-chairman of the National People’s Congress (Born: September 1936, Origin: Changsha, Hunan Province; first son of Li Weihan, a former vice-chairman of the National People’s Congress)

12. Li Tielin – vice-minister of the Standing Committee of Organization Department, CCCPC; director of the State Commission Office for Public Sector Reform; a member of the 16th CCCPC (Born May 1943, youngest son of Li Weihan)

13. Hong Hu – Jilin Province Governor (Born June 1940; Origin: Jinzhai, Anhui Province; son of Hong Xuezhi, a former vice-president of The National Committee of The CPPCC)

14. Hong Bao – vice-commander of the Tianjin Garrison, major general (son of Hong Xuezhi)

15. Liu Xirong – vice secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection of The CPC (Born May 1942; Origin: Ruijin, Jiangxi Province; son of Liu Ying, a CPC revolutionary martyr)

16. Teng Jiuming – undersecretary of Chongqing Municipal Committee of the CPC and secretary of the Chongqing Committee for Discipline Inspection (son of Teng Daiyuan, a former vice-chairman of The National Committee of The CPPCC)

17. Su Rongsheng – Beijing Military Region vice-commander, lieutenant general (son of Su Yu, a vice-minister of the Ministry of National Defense, senior general)

18. Qiao Zonghuai – vice minister and a member of the leadership of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (Born July 1944; Origin: Jianhu, Jiangsu Province; son of Qiao Guanhua, a former minister of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs)

19. Chen Weilian – vice-president of the National Administrative Academy (oldest daughter of Chen Yun, a former member of the Standing Committee of The Political Bureau of The CPC and a former vice-chairman of the CCCPC)

20. Chen Weili – general manager of the China International Intellectech Corporation (daughter of Chen Yu)

21. Chen Yuan – president of China Development Bank (Origin: Qingpu, Shanghai; oldest son of Chen Yun)
22. Chen Fang – manager of the Guangdong Zhongshanshiye Corporation (youngest son of Chen Yun)

23. Chen Zhifei –Aerospace Ministry senior engineer (Origin: Xiangxiang, Hunan Province; oldest son of Chen Geng, a senior general and a former vice-minister of the Ministry of National Defense)

24. Chen Zhijian – Chongqing Garrison vice-commander, major general (Origin: Xiangxiang, Hunan Province; second son of Chen Geng)

25. Chen Zhishu – vice-commander of the People’s Liberation Army in Hong Kong, major general (Origin: Xiangxiang, Hunan Province; third son of Chen Geng)

26. Chen Zhiya – secretary-general of the China International Strategy Foundation, Academy of Military Sciences Foreign Military Research Department researcher, major general (Born 1949; Origin: Xiangxiang, Hunan Province; son of Chen Geng)

27. Chen Haosu – president of the Chinese People’s Association for Friendship with Foreign Countries (son of Field Marshal Chen Yi)

28. Chen Danhuai – head of the General Armament Department’s Technology Department, major general (son of Chen Yi)

29. Chen Xiaolu – board chairman of the Beijing Standard International Investment Management Corp. (son of Chen Yi, son-in-law of Su Yu)

30. Wang Guangya – vice-minister of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Plenipotentiary Ambassador to the United Nations (Born March 1950: Origin: Jiangsu Province; son-in-law of Chen Yi)

31. Chen Tonghai – board chairman and general manager of China Petroleum and Chemical Corporation (Born 1949; Origin: Guanyun, Jiangsu Province; son of Chen Weida, a former secretary of the Tianjin Municipal Committee of The CPC)

32. Tao Siliang – vice-president and secretary-general of the China Association of Mayors (Born 1941; Origin: Hunan Province; daughter of Tao Zhu, a vice-premier and a former member of Standing Committee of Political Bureau, the CPC Central Committee)

33. He Jiesheng – head of the Academy of Military Sciences Encyclopedia Department, major general (Born November 1935; Origin: Sangzhi, Hunan Province; oldest daughter of He Long, a field marshal and a former vice-chairman of the Central Military Commission)
34. Nie Li – vice-president of the Standing Committee of the China Association of Inventions (Born September 1939; Origin: Chongqing; world’s first female major general; daughter of Field Marshall Nie Rongzhen)

35. Ding Henggao – director-general of China Society of Inertial Technology, academician, senior general; former director of the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense (Born February, 1931; Origin: Nanjing; son-in-law of Nie Rongzhen)

36. Tan Dongsheng – vice commander of the Guangdong Military Region, lieutenant general (son of Tan Zhenlin, a former senior commander of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA))

37. Zhang Xiang – vice-commander of the PLA’s Secondary Artillery Unit, lieutenant general (Origin: Sichuan Province; son of senior general and former Vice-Premier Zhang Aiping)

38. Luo Dongjin – deputy Political Commissar of the People’s Liberation Army’s Second Artillery Unit, lieutenant general (Born February 1939; Origin: Hengshan, Hunan Province; son of Field Marshal Luo Ronghuan)

39. Li Lun – deputy head of the General Logistics Department, lieutenant general (Origin: Chaohu, Anhui Province; son of Li Rongke, a former vice-minister of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, a former minister of the Ministry of Investigation)

40. Ding Yiping – vice-commanding officer of the Jinan Military Region, commander of the North Sea Fleet, lieutenant general (Born 1955; Origin: Xiangxiang, Hunan Province; son of Ding Qiusheng, founding lieutenant general and a former North Sea Fleet Political Commissar)

41. He Daoquan – vice-president of National Defense University, lieutenant general (Origin: Huarong, Hunan Province; son of He Changgong, vice-president of the Committee of The National Committee of the CPPCC)

42. Zhou Erjun – head of the Political Department of National Defense University, major general (nephew of former Premier Zhou Enlai)

43. Luo Jian – Political Commissar of the Logistics Department of the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense; major general (son of Luo Ruiqing, a former minister of the Ministry of National Defense and a senior general)

44. Qin Tao – vice-commander of the Beijing Garrison, major general (son of Qin Jiwei, a former member of the State Councilor and a former minister of the Ministry of National Defense)
45. Yang Jiping – vice-commander of Tianjin Garrison, major general (son of Yang Yong, a former secretary of the Secretariat of the Central Committee of the CPC)

46. Zhang Xiaoyang – president of the PLA Institute of Foreign Languages, major general (Origin: Pingjiang, Hunan; son of Zhang Zhenzhi, a senior general and a former vice-president of Central Military Commission)

47. Zhang Haiyang – political commissar of the Army’s 27th Regiment, major general (son of Zhang Zhen, a former head of the General Logistics Department and a former member of the CCCPC)

48. Zhang Zhengan – chief of the Bureau of Surveying and Mapping, General Staff Department (GSD); major general (nephew of Zhang Zhen)

49. Xu Xiaoyan – chief of the Communication Department of GSD, major general (son of Field Marshal Xu Xiangqian)

50. Ma Guochao – deputy political commissar of the Naval Air Force, major general (son of CPC military hero Ma Benzhai)

51. Feng Hongda – vice-commander of the North Sea Fleet, major general (son of Feng Yuxiang, a military general who first aided Chiang Kai-shek in cleansing the communists, but who later on turned against Chiang and responded to the CPC’s call to join the then newly formed CPPCC)

52. Liu Taixing – head of the Academic Research Department of the PLA Air Force Command College, major general (son of Field Marshall Liu Bocheng)

53. Liu Taichi – vice-head of the Air Force Armament Department, major general (son of Liu Bocheng)

54. Liu Miqun – vice-president of the PLA Air Force Command College (daughter of Liu Bocheng)

55. Yang Junsheng – head of Military Police Armament Department and Technology Development Director, major general (daughter of Yang Chengwu, a former secretary-general of the Central Military Commission)

56. Yang Dongsheng – vice-head of the PLA Second Artillery Armament Department, major general (son of Yang Chengwu)

57. Yang Dongming – Head of the Material and Fuel Department within the PLA General Logistics Department, major general (son of Yang Chengwu)
58. Wu Shaozu – vice secretary of the Work Committee for offices, directly under the CCCPC, a former State Physical Cultural Administration chief (Born April 1939; Origin: Leiyang, Hunan Province; son of Wu Yunfu, a secretary-general of the Central Military Commission)

59. Li Nanzhen – vice-president of the Shijiazhuan Army Command College, major general (son of Li Desheng, a senior general and a former Vice-Chairman of the CCCPC)

60. Liu Zhuoming – director of the PLA Navy Equipment Demonstration Center, major general (Origin: Dawu, Hubei Province; son of Liu Huaqing, a former vice-chairman of the country)

61. Pan Yue – deputy chief of the State Environmental Protection Administration (son-in-law of Liu Huaqing, a former vice-chairman of the Central Military Commission)

62. Xu Yuanchao – vice-head of Nanjing Military Region Armament Department, major general (son of the military general Xu Shiyou)

63. Xu Yanbin – vice-president of Armored Force College (son of Senior General Xu Guangda, a former vice-minister of the Ministry of National Defense)

64. Wan Boao – State Physical Cultural Administration Propaganda Department director, China Sports Magazine director and editor-in-chief (son of Wan Li, a former Chairman of the National People’s Congress)

65. Wan Jifei – chairman of the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade (CCPIT) and the China Chamber of International Commerce (Born October 1948; Origin: Dongping, Shandong Province; son of Wan Li, a former vice-chairman of the National People’s Congress and a former vice-premier of the State Council)

66. Ye Xuanping – a former vice chairman of the Standing Committee of The National Committee of CPPCC (Born November 1924; Origin: Mei County, Guangdong Province; son of Field Marshal Ye Jianying)

67. Wu Xiaolan – a former vice mayor of Shenzhen, vice-chairman of the Standing Committee of Shenzhen Municipal People’s Congress (wife of Ye Xanping, granddaughter of CPP Elder Wu Yuzhang)

68. Ye Xinfu – CEO of the Hong Kong Wanxing Corporation (son of Ye Xuanping)

69. Ye Xuanning – a.k.a. Yue Feng; a former head of the Liaison Department of the General Political Department; lieutenant general; chairman of the board of directors and CEO of Kaili Corporation (son of Ye Jianying, a cofounder of the PLA, a former vice-chairman of the Central Military Commission and a former Minister of the Ministry of National Defense)
70. Ye Xuanlian – the PLA’s General Staff Department cadre (son of Ye Jianying)

71. Ye Xiangzhen – a.k.a. Ling Zi; film director, currently resides in Hong Kong (daughter of Ye Jianying)

72. Zou Jiahua – vice-premier of the State Council (son-in-law of Ye Jianying)

73. Ye Xuanji – senior official of the People’s Armed Police (nephew of Ye Jianying)

74. Ye Jingzi – CEO of Brilliant Culture (born 1975; granddaughter of Ye Jianying)

75. Fu Rui – former assistant general manager of China National Nuclear Corporation (son of Peng Zhen, a former chairman of the National People’s Congress)

76. Fu Yang – vice president of the All China Lawyers Association, Beijing Kang Da Law Firm senior partner (son of Peng Zhen)

77. Fu Yan – board president of Beijing Fuli Corporation (daughter of Peng Zhen)

78. Jiang Xiaoming – president of the board of directors of the Shenzhen CyberCity Co. Ltd. (son of Qiao Shi, a former chairman of the Standing Committee of the People’s National Congress)

79. Wang Xiaochao – China Poly Group Corporation director and assistant general manager (son-in-law of Yang Shangkun, the fourth Chairman of the PRC)

80. Larry Yung Chi Kin– Citic Pacific chairman, richest man in mainland China (Born 1942; Origin: Jiangsu Province; son of Rong Yiren, former Vice-Chairman of the country)

81. Deng Yingtao – director of the Center for Economic and Cultural Research, Chinese Academy of Social Sciences (Born September 1952; Origin: Guidong, Hunan Province; son of Deng Liqun, a former head of Publicity Department of the CCCPC)

82. Xie Fei – vice-chairman of the Chinese Film Association and vice president of the Standing Committee of China Movie Directors Association (Born 1942; son of Xie Juezai, a former vice-chairman of the National Committee of the CPPCC)

83. Jiang Zehui – president of the Chinese Academy of Forestry (Born February 1938; Origin: Jiangsu Province; younger sister of former Chinese President Jiang Zemin)
84. Jiang Mianheng – president of the Chinese Academy of Sciences (first son of Jiang Zemin)

85. Jiang Miankang -General Political Department Organization Department head, major general (Born 1957; Origin: Jiangsu Province; youngest son of Jiang Zemin)

86. Li Xiaopeng – board chairman and general manager of China Huaneng Group, assistant general manager of the State Grid Corporation of China, nicknamed King of Asian Electricity (Born 1959; son of Li Peng, the fourth PRC State Council Premier)

87. Li Xiaolin – executive director and general manager of China Power International Development Limited (daughter of Li Peng)

88. Zhu Yunlai – CEO and director of China International Capital Corporation Limited (son of former Premier Zhu Rongji)

89. Zhu Yanlai –general manager of the Development Planning Department, Bank of China (Hong Kong) (daughter of Zhu Rongji)

90. Wen Yunsong – CEO of Unihub Corp., Beijing (son of Premier Wen Jiabao)

91. Xu Ming – ECO of Dailian Shide Group, ranked 15th richest man in China in 2003, ranked 12th in Chinese Forbes (son-in-law of Wen Jiabao)

[1] Crown Prince Party (太子党) or The Princelings, are the descendants (usually in the second-generation) of prominent and influential senior communists of the People’s Republic of China. It is not a political party, but an informal, and often derogatory, appellation to describe those benefiting from nepotism and cronyism. Although some of them are good citizens and keep a low profile, many of them are perceived to be arrogant and undeserving of the fortune or the prominence they hold. By utilizing their fathers’ privileges, they often place themselves above the law and foster the spread of corruption.
[2], September 7, 2007
[3] Three Principles of the People was a political philosophy developed by Dr. Sun Yat-sen. They include Government of the People, Government by the People, and the Welfare of the People. By Government of the People, Sun meant freedom from imperialist domination. To achieve this he believed that China must develop a "civic-nationalism" as opposed to an "ethnic-nationalism," so as to unite all of the different ethnicities of China. To Sun, Government of the People represented a Western constitutional government, with the National Assembly representing people’s political wishes and the administrative power carried out in a five-branch government. Sun understood People’s Welfare as an industrial economy and equality of land holdings for the Chinese peasants.

China’s State Media Rebukes U.S. NGOs and Private Foundations (part four)

On December 26, 2007, Xinhua News Agency published an article titled “An Investigation of Fake Think Tanks in the United States.” The article listed four U.S. think tanks, calling them “non-governmental organizations funded by the government,” employing “soft daggers” through “financing, supporting, planning subversive tactics, etc. against the targeted nations.” The following is part four of the translation of the entire article. [1]
Albert Einstein Institution: Behind-the-Scenes Player Behind Myanmar Chaos

With the name of "Einstein," this institute may sound like a scientific research institute. In fact, this institution headquartered in Cambridge, Massachusetts has earned a reputation for orchestrating non-bloodshed "soft coup" efforts throughout the world.

The founder of The Albert Einstein Institution, Gene Sharp, is an expert on subversion of foreign governments through non-violent opposition. He and the Director of the Institution, US-Ret. Col. Helvey, provide training to dissidents worldwide. Dissidents from Serbia,Zimbabwe, Venezuela, Myanmar, Ukraine and other countries all received training at the Einstein Institute which they used in political turmoil in these countries.

French journalist Thierry Meyssan wrote a book entitled " The Albert Einstein Institution: Non-violence according to the CIA," which discusses at great lengths how the organization carries out a "soft coup" through “civil disobedience.” Einstein Institute’s funding comes from the National Endowment for Democracy, i.e., from the government.

It is has been learned that the organization regularly supplies the United States Congress and the government with ideological offensive strategy reports and project initiatives that would be implemented by its “Human Rights Foundation,” “Foundation of Democratic Values,” and “Religious Freedom Foundation.” Its fingerprints were all over the disintegration of the former Soviet Union and Eastern Europe in recent years, as well as changes in the “Color Revolution.” At present, the Institution’s focus is on Myanmar.

Classic Cases

According to media reports, Sharp, founder of the Einstein Institution, served as "the general director" in a series of anti-government activities in the so-called "Tibetan red revolution" in Myanmar.

The Einstein Institution started to operate in Myanmar in 1989.  It has been learned that the United States Government has allocated to it a one-time $52 million funding for its activities in Myanmar.  Its current Director, Helvey is the former U.S. Embassy military attaché for Rangoon and a CIA agent with extensive experience in subverting foreign governments.
At Helvey’s recommendation, Sharp visited Myanmar in 1989 and provided “non-violent resistance” training to local oppositions.  In the recent Myanmar unrest, the Einstein Institution made waves through the networks and connections that it has built up over the years, acting in concert with the National Endowment for Democracy.

The Infamous "Fake Think Tanks"

These "fake think tanks" are not only notorious in the international communities but they are also the target of a number of protests in the United States.

Four years ago at the U.S. Congress, the U. S. Republican presidential candidate Ron Paul denounced the actions of National Endowment for Democracy for serving the interested groups in the United States under the pretext of "promoting democracy."  He stated that NED has problems of mismanagement and serious corruption and that it is not only a waste of American taxpayers’ money, but is also always creating an enemy in the international community against the United States.  He called on Congress to ban the organization.

Some American liberal scholars, lawyers and activists founded the International Foundation for Democracy against the National Endowment for Democracy.  They pointed out that "democracy in the United States has sadly deteriorated at high speed, but the United States Government leans on NED and other organizations, and engages in shockingly hypocritical activities of so-called building
democratic countries and promotion of democracy in the overseas.” Instead, they called on the people of the world to support and promote democracy in the United States.

[1] Xinhua News Agency, December 26, 2007