Report - 28. page

“China is a country with multiple regions. It is necessary to handle the inter-religion relationship well. Although most people in our country don’t have any religious beliefs, there are still many people who practice religion. We need to handle the relationship between believers and non-believers well. Our country is undergoing a profound social reform. As religion has shown the trend of growth, and its influence is expanding through society, it is necessary to handle the relationship between these religions and every aspect of society well. China is a socialist country. The Chinese Community Party, as an atheist ruling party under the guidance of Marxism, should particularly handle the church-state relationship well.”

“Regarding the current church-state relationship in China, some Western researchers hold that our religions are ‘state-run religions’ or ‘state-controlled religions.’ They use this as an important foundation for attacking the Chinese government for ‘suppressing religious freedom.’ This bias originated from their ideology, especially the Western-centric culture view. Because the world has been dominated by Western religious doctrine for a long time, this prejudice has spread widely, seriously misleading the international community. Despite the fact that research on religious issues has been given more and more attention during recent decades, the study on the current church-state relationship has been left far behind, producing very little in-depth and convincing research.”

“Because of the differences in history, tradition, culture origin, developmental stage and social system, the church-state relationship in countries all over the world varies from one to another. In general, they can be categorized into three models: the unity of church and state, the church subordinate to the state, and separation of church and state. In practice, each has multiple subcategories. The unity of church and state was very popular in Western European countries during the medieval period. The church subordinate to the state was actually the type of church-state relationship in ancient China. Although the actual church-state relationship differs widely in countries around the world, the separation of church and state is the option which most countries have adopted. … Only when church and state are separated can you prevent religions or sects from gaining specific rights or positions by controlling or leveraging political power, which then results in unfairness and intolerance between different religions, and leads to the obstruction of widespread religious freedom.”

“The doctrine of separation of church and state is generally thought to have first been endorsed by the American Constitution. … But most Americans still debate whether the separation between church and state should be achieved by ‘a wall’ or ‘a net.’ The situation in Europe is even more complicated. Throughout European history, some countries had a very fierce struggle between the monarchy and the church. Each side wanted to gain absolute control over the other to secure both secular and spiritual power over the people. This resulted in endless battles between the monarchy and the church, bringing disaster and suffering to the nation, society, and the people. … It is thus evident that an absolute separation of church and state does not exist. Due to different traditions, the situation and extent of the separation of church and state are not completely identical in Europe and the U.S. A common model doesn’t exist.”

“Throughout China’s history there has been no instance of a nationwide practice of the unity of church and state, which was once adopted in Tibet. The Dalai Lama held both administrative and religious power until it was abolished 50 years ago. Overall, the historic church-state relationship was practiced in the format of a monarch controlling the church, in other words, the church complying with the monarchy. It belonged to the model of the church subordinate to the state.”

“During several thousand years of feudal dynasties in China, it was the unshakable iron rule that the imperial power was above everything. The feudal rulers dealt with religious issues mainly by tightening control of religion and making good use of it. The major ideology that the feudal ruling class used to control society was Confucianism, supplemented by Buddhism and Taoism. Despite that, they mainly relied on Confucianism, a doctrine about secular and political ethics. The sacred and transcendental roles of the religions of Buddhism and Taoism that Confucianism lacked were an important addition. Their sanctity could further strengthen the rulers’ legitimacy. Therefore, from the feudal rulers’ perspective, religions were used as an aid to implement political indoctrination, i.e. ‘The saint imparts the teachings that were handed down by the Gods and Taos, and everyone follows.’ At the same time, the feudal rulers strictly controlled religious activities and organizations. The government set up specific agencies to rigorously monitor religions, such as approving the establishment of the Buddhist temple and Taoist monastery, issuing religious documentation, forbidding large-scale religious gatherings, and prohibiting the religious staff from traveling far distances without permission, etc. They were very vigilant on the growth of religious forces. Once the religious forces over-expanded, and even become a threat to the foundation of the ruling power, the feudal rulers would take stringent repressive measures.” … “Overall, the way the feudal governments treated religions in ancient China was primarily politically motivated. The purpose was to maintain and consolidate the rule of the supreme imperial power. As long as religion was not a threat to the stability of their power, the feudal rulers tended to be relatively tolerant toward religion, taking advantage of and using it to achieve their own goals.”

“After the New China was founded, two situations developed: the government announced that citizens now enjoyed religious freedom; yet at the same time, it supported all religions; it conducted reforms if the religious systems could not meet the demands of the new profound social transformation. Buddhism, Taoism, and Islam have implemented democratic reform, abolished the feudal hierarchy, oppression and exploitation, and were released from the control and utilization of the reactionary ruling classes. Catholic and Protestant churches embarked on the road toward independence and self-governance through an anti-imperialist patriotic movement, and also were released from control and utilization by imperialism and foreign forces. After accomplishing these two ‘liberations,’ the political stance of every religion in China underwent major changes. They moved an important step forward toward conforming to the New China, serving the new society, and laying an important foundation for establishing a new church-state relationship.”

“After the ‘reform and opening up,’ our party resumed its religious freedom policy. Based on the changes in domestic and international situations, the party has studied the new issues that have emerged in the religious field, and explored the laws of religion’s development during the initial stage of socialism. It proposed a series of new conclusions on the theories and policies on religious work, such as managing religious affairs according to the law, actively guiding religions to conform to the socialist society, harmonizing the relationship between religions, and promoting the positive roles of religious personnel and people of faith in economic and social development. These new conclusions gave directions for solving the difficult political problems of ‘socialism and religion,’ and also actually answered the major questions related to the church-state relationship. On the other hand, every religion in China is also actively working in response to the requirements of epochal development and social progress. Every religion has tried to lay out a correct path for healthy development under socialist conditions, play an active role in social life, and accumulate some important experiences.”

“In summary, the new church-state relationship in China mainly includes the following four aspects: first, the government respects the citizens’ freedom of religious belief, and protects normal religious activities. Religion carries out the activities within the scope permitted by the laws and policies, and should not interfere with the implementation of the government functions such as administration, jurisdiction, and education, etc. Secondly, the government treats every religion equally. The government regime cannot use its power to suppress any religion, nor can it support any religion. No religion enjoys special legal status above any other religion. Thirdly, in order to protect the public interest and the fundamental interests of all ethnic groups in our country, including those of religious believers, the government follows the law to manage the religious affairs pertaining to national and social public interest, but doesn’t interfere with the internal affairs of religious organizations. Religious organizations cannot disobey the government administration using the excuse of separation of church and state. Finally, even though the policy of separation of church and state is implemented, the citizens who have religious beliefs, just as non-believers, enjoy political, economic, social and cultural rights. Unequal rights should not exist due to different religious beliefs. The representatives from religious organizations can participate in political life through legal channels, such as the People’s Congress and Political Consultative Conferences at all levels, and so on, to express their social advocacies. They can also give comments and suggestions and carry out democratic supervision on the legal administration of governmental, social, economic, cultural, and especially religious affairs.”

“As can be seen from the above four aspects, the current church-state relationship in China not only borrows from the models of both ancient China and present Western countries, but is also different from them. It is a new format that matches socialism with Chinese characteristics, and also has its own distinctive features. This new format is based on the principle of separation of church and state, and the value of political and religious harmony. In other words, (China) adheres to the principle of separation of church and state, making a clear boundary between church and state in order to prevent religion from assuming the role of the government, and vice versa. Therefore, freedom of religious belief is guaranteed by the social system. However, the separation of church and state is not the ultimate goal to handle the church-state relationship, but to pursue the harmonized relationship between church and state based on the separation of church and state, leading to positive interaction. When we deal with the relationship with religions, we adhere to the principle of ‘mutual respect for beliefs; and united collaboration on politics,’ which truly reflects the essence of our current church-state relationship.”

Endnote:
[1] Study Times, November 23, 2009
http://www.studytimes.com.cn/WebPage/ny1.aspx?act=0&id=3075&bid=1

Over the course of 60 years of development, the People’s Air Force has built an air combat system with a backbone of third-generation battle equipment; its combat skills improved in a measurable leap forward. [1]

1.  Guiding a powerful Air Force with scientific military theory  

Military theory for the Air Force has gone through four climactic research stages, moving from tactical guidance to strategic command. The first stage was creating a theory for the Korean War. The second stage was developing a theoretical system for the modernization of air-defense operations. The third stage was the jump to campaign theory in preparation to repel an invasion. The fourth stage was developing strategic theory during the transformation period. [1]

In the 1990s, along with the development of information technology, the Air Force has significantly broadened its strategic vision, continued research for Air Force strategy and Air Force development strategy, formally established the strategy of “integrating air and space, and is capable of both offensive and defensive combat.” . . . The People’s Air Force has paid close attention to the new development of local wars with new information technology, and carried out comprehensive combat tactics training including long-range precision strikes, air defense operations, and information protection. It has taken a solid step on the journey toward adapting to new global challenges of military transformation and learning the new air combat rules with information technology. In 2004, the People’s Air Force clearly established the strategy of “integrating air and space, capable of both offensive and defensive combat,” emphasizing the integration of air and space as the development direction for the Air Force, making full use of space-based information resources to improve Air Force combat effectiveness, and actively supporting the implementation of space-based platforms for offensive and defensive combat operations in the air and in space. [1]

2. Using advanced weapons and equipment to forge a powerful Air Force 

The 1991 Gulf War began a transformation in the military sphere led by Europe and the United States. A key aspect of the transformation was information technology and a significant sign was the integration of air and space. The U.S.-led Western countries, represented by the U.S., developed a new generation of combat systems supported by space-based systems, relying on third-generation battle planes, stealth aircraft, cruise missiles and unmanned aerial vehicles. The U.S. also actively promoted the integration of aviation and space weapon systems, thus achieving a new leap in combat capability. Facing the severe challenges brought by this transformation in military capability, the People’s Air Force began its historic leap of developing an information technology capable air force on an undeveloped industrial base. [1]  Moving from a focus on defense to a combination of offense and defense. . . . Since the 1990s, the Air Force has been transforming from a land-based air defense force into one that is capable for both offensive and defensive combat. In this year’s National Day parade, the formation of precision-guided munitions, mid-air refuel tankers, and three generations of aircrafts marked further improvement of the Air Force’s the long-range combat capability. [1]

Moving from platform-based to Web-based. . . . From the beginning of the 1990s, learning from local information technology wars and focusing on the trend of systematizing, the Air Force sped up the pace of establishing a command network. [1]

Moving from importing to independently researching and developing new weapons and equipment. . . . In the 1990s, domestic research and development of new weapons and equipment achieved substantial breakthroughs. . . . China-made weapons and equipment types expanded rapidly with systematic accessories. These weapons are close to or reach the world standard of advanced weaponry. [1]

3. Building a powerful Air Force with a high standard of military training

During the Korean War, the Air Force implemented the principle of "fight when there is a battle, train when there is no battle." It has used the time between battles to intensify training, trained while in battle, and created a record that has shocked those at home and abroad. . . . [1]
   
They moved from training in an ordinary environment to training in a complicated electromagnetic environment. In the 1990s, when the world’s Air Forces accelerated the transformation of information warfare, the People’s Air Force equipped multiple models with multiple types of information weaponry. Now the air force faces a profound change in military training. First, we need to highlight specific training in combat confrontation. Second, we must emphasize precision-guided weapon live-fire training. Third, we should strengthen electronic warfare training. [1]

Moving from training in a single element to systematic training. . . From 2004 on, at the Air Force Tactical Training Center, the Air Force organized its command team and tactical air units to conduct combat assessments. The command team and the tactical air units, ground air defense forces, radar and electronic combat troops, and other troops formed a complete battle system relying on the electromagnetic environment, with multiple soldiers and plane models, and carried out all elements of attack and defense under unknown conditions, thus preparing the troops to be familiar with the battlefield environment. The style of air combat command went through fundamental changes also, from the ‘nanny-style’ command to independent air warfare."[1]

In another similar report, Xu Qiliang said, "The 21st century is the century of information technology, and also the century of air and space. The fields of information and space have become two new high grounds for international strategic competition. From the revolution in the military field around the world, military competition is transferring to the field of aerospace, and military development has been continuously expanding in the direction of air and space. This ‘shift’ is a general trend. This ‘expansion’ is a historic necessity, and it is irreversible. In a certain sense, control of space means control of the land, sea and electromagnetic space, and control of the strategic initiative. Now, not only are the world’s major powers adjusting Air Force strategy, a number of developing countries are also introducing new strategic initiatives, and actively seizing this new strategic high ground in the military revolution." "The militarization of space is a challenge to peace. Facing this challenge, there is no right to speak if one does not have enough power." [2]

On November 9, 2009, Study Times published another article entitled "The People’s Air Force needs three major changes." Its main comments were about the transformation from territorial air defense to both offensive and defensive combat; from mechanization to information technology based combat, and from a traditional air force to an air and space integrated force for the Chinese Communist Air Force. [3] 
 
1. Fundamental change from territorial air defense to both offensive and defensive operations   

On one hand, the Air Force is transforming into a multi-functional force with both offensive and defensive capabilities. The traditional fighters, attack planes and bombers are gradually being reduced, while multi-functional, multi-purpose third generation fighters, tankers, and early warning aircraft are equipping the troops. Forming a systematic operational capability, the air offensive forces and the corresponding support development have been strengthened significantly. On the other hand, the ground air defense forces are transforming into air and space defense integrated forces. The combat range for new air missiles has become longer and longer, the reaction speed has become faster and faster, the anti-saturation and anti-radiation ability has become stronger and stronger, and the precision has become more and more accurate. Our Air Force is transforming from territorial air defense to both offensive and defensive type operations. The People’s Air Force will focus on active defense, forming systematic mechanisms in both offensive and defensive directions, to complete the preparations for carrying out campaigns and achieve strategic transformation. [3]

2. Complete transformation from mechanization to information technology based combat

Facing the fact that future wars will be confrontations between systems, the People’s Air Force will firmly focus on the key of information technology development, and gradually establish a comprehensive system integrating all combat forces. The Air Force will equip existing aircraft, radar, and command automation equipment with new information technology. … [We need to] move from ‘consuming’ to ‘performance-based,’ from ‘weapons platform-centric warfare’ to ‘network-centric warfare,’ and from traditional air combat to air and space integrated operations. [3] 

3. Strategic transformation from a traditional air force to an air and space integrated force    

Compared to the world’s most advanced equipment, the People’s Air Force is still behind. The core is the lack of support for space-based platforms. . . . In the new period of the new century, the People’s Air Force will follow the strategy of “integrating air and space, being capable of both offensive and defensive combat,” clearly define the functioning position of air and space, establish strategic guidance for “shaping the space situation, controlling space crises, and winning the space war” ideology, highlight the control of space, enhance the strategic initiative, flexibility and effectiveness, and accelerate the transformation into an air and space integrated force. [3]

We should speed up building a national air and space defense system. We must develop a modern air missile defense system, expand the scope of space activities, ensure effective monitoring of territorial space and air, minimize the possibility of a sudden air and space crisis, and be able to rapidly and effectively respond to crisis events, to ensure the safety of national core objectives from any fatal damage. [3]

We need to create and maintain an air and space strategic posture. We must develop monitoring and control of land surfaces to form an “air to land” and “air to sea” control power, maintain effective monitoring and control of national interests on land and sea, develop necessary air offensive forces for a strong attack, deter any damage attempts and actions, and promote regional and global air and space stability."[3]

Also on November 9, 2009, Learning Times Network published an article on the characteristics of Air Force equipment buildup. [4] The article said, "Throughout the 60 years’ history of the Air Force, the Air Force equipment buildup has the following features under the CCP’s core leadership.

1. Strategically equip the Air Force 

Throughout all the historic periods since the start of the Air Force, CCP core leadership always closely connected the Air Force and its equipment development with the CCP’s military strategy. The type of equipment, size, quantity and schedule are all based on the needs of the CCP’s military strategic tasks. This is the top priority of Air Force equipment development and buildup. [4]

2. We must have what our rivals have 

Since our technology and power are relatively weak compared to our rivals, we cannot be engaged in a comprehensive arms race, but we should focus on the development of “asymmetric warfare” and “skillful positioning.” We must master key advanced technology that our rivals have or even the ones our rivals do not have. According to Deng Xiaoping, “we must have what our rivals have.” We may not have a lot, but we must also have that. [4]

3. The type of equipment must be appropriate for the forces 

[The Air Force] must strengthen the supporting equipment for air offensive forces, gradually transform from territorial air defense to both offensive and defensive type forces, and establish ‘offensive defensive’ strategic thinking. [4]

4. Emphasize both the quantity and quality 

CCP leaders emphasize the importance of the quality of equipment. First, we must strive to continuously enhance the modernization of Air Force equipment by constantly upgrading main battle weaponry and equipment. Second, we should have stringent quality requirements for air force weapons and equipment manufacturing and maintenance. Third, we should allow the Air Force to be involved in the early research and development process of the most cutting-edge weapons and equipment. [4]

5. Always viewed as a priority 

The Air Force has always been the priority of national armed forces building. . . . During the 1970s and 1980s, the position and role of the Air Force during war became even more prominent; Deng Xiaoping asserted, "The Air Force should be a top priority.” He also repeatedly pointed out, "I think in the future we should focus on the Air Force’s development. The priority of our investments should be placed on the aviation industry and the Air Force’s development. Foreign currencies allocated to military use should focus on the aviation industry and equipment.” [4]

6. Pay attention to equipment purchase and manufacturing at the same time
 
In the 1950s, the CCP established the guidance to, “Pay attention to equipment purchase and manufacturing at the same time,” while relying on self-made equipment. In October 1956, Nie Rongzhen, who was responsible for military equipment research, called meetings, and proposed a strategy of “mainly self-reliance, while striving to obtain foreign aid and take advantage of existing research results of capitalist countries.” . . . In February 1966, Marshal Nie proposed the idea of “three steps” for military equipment development. His scientific management method of pre-research, development, and small-batch production at the same time greatly promoted the development of aviation equipment in a planned way. [4]

7. Guiding breakthroughs in person

The CCP’s core leadership is often involved in the Air Force weapons and equipment research process in person. Sometimes they work on the front line for days and nights without sleep. "[4]

Endnotes:
[1] http://www.studytimes.com.cn/WebPage/ny1.aspx?act=0&id=3042&bid=7
[2] http://www.studytimes.com.cn/WebPage/ny1.aspx?act=0&id=3035&bid=1 
[3] http://www.studytimes.com.cn/WebPage/ny1.aspx?act=1&id=3042&nid=11053&bid=7&page=1
[4] http://www.studytimes.com.cn/WebPage/ny1.aspx?act=1&id=3042&nid=11054&bid=7&page=1

“On July 22, Premier Wen Jiabao hosted an executive meeting of the Standing Committee of the State Council. The ‘Culture Industry Revitalization Plan’ was discussed and approved in principle. Earlier, Gao Shusheng, the deputy director of the Office of Reform, Central Propaganda Department, revealed publicly that the Central Propaganda Department and several other departments are working hard on developing several important national plans, including the “Twelfth Five-Year Development Plan for the Culture Industry,” the “Backbone of the Culture Enterprises Training Plan,” the “Culture Enterprises Listing Plan,” and the “Culture Industry Base Construction Plan.” “(Gao said that these policies) symbolize the development of our nation’s culture industry, which is in transition from the ‘spontaneous stage’ to the ‘self-conscious stage.’” “The development of our nation’s culture industry is entering a very important and crucial phase. The year 2009 will be a turning point in China’s cultural history. The culture industry possesses its own unique advantages in development and it has demonstrated unique development potential in the financial crisis. All these are drawing more and more attention from the central decision-makers.”

“The culture industry is developing at a rapid pace, and will definitely impact China’s future. Ten years ago, it did not even have a ‘legal identity,’ but today it accounts for 2.6 percent of China’s GDP, and is growing by more than 17 percent every year. In the year 2008, it accounted for more than five percent of the GDP in Beijing, Shanghai, Guandong, Hunan, and Yunnan. However, if we observe and estimate its significance only from a pure economics point of view, then it would be too narrow and shallow.” “When visiting an Animation (Cartoon) Enterprise in Tianjin City’s at the beginning of this year, Premier Wen Jiabao raised the point that we need to make the culture industry a new growth point for dealing with the financial crisis, and we need to have Chinese culture reach out to the world and show the world China’s soft power.”

“The development of our nation’s culture industry is entering a very important and crucial phase. The year 2009 represents a turning point for China’s culture history. Currently the Central Authorities’ strategies and train of thought about speeding up the development of the culture industry are becoming clearer and clearer. Looking at all the actions taken so far, the culture industry is being pushed forward at a thunderous speed.” “There are several reasons that the higher authorities favor and pay so much attention to the culture industry. One is that our nation is facing many difficulties in the mid and late stages of industrialization, including resource shortages, the worsening of environmental pollution, extensive development of the economy, and so on. The global financial crisis is making China’s development face an even more severe ordeal.” “Despite this financial crisis, China’s culture industry is still growing well, and many culture industries are demonstrating a counter-cyclical direction. The party, the government, and all sectors of society have recognized its nature and advantages and have thus paid much attention to it. With this background, the central leaders have pointed out that we need to turn the culture industry into a new growth point for dealing with the financial crisis, make Chinese culture reach out to the world, show the world China’s soft power, quickly study and figure out how China’s culture industry can seize the opportunity offered by the global financial crisis, and maintain a good growth momentum.

“Zhang Xiaoming, deputy director of the Center for Culture Studies at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, told Outlook Weekly, ‘In the bigger picture, China’s economy has reached a phase where we must add culture to our nation’s strategy. This is a logical necessity for the development of the economy and the process of modernization.’… Since the end of 20^th century and into the beginning of the 21^st century, China has been quietly entering into a new period. Culture has begun to lose its traditional, simple concept of being ‘extrinsic.’ It is starting to be treated as an economic sector. We can say that this is an internal context for the development of the culture industry.” “Zhang Xiaoming also mentioned another even bigger basis for the development of the culture industry that is often easily ignored. From the end of the last century to the beginning of this century, developed countries have finished upgrading their national industries. They now are mainly relying on the knowledge economy and beginning to use the strategy of culture imperialism. At the same time, the western media groups changed in the mid-1990s through globalization. They were coveting the huge culture trade market in China, which was yet to open. Therefore in the final stage of the negotiation for China to join the WTO, western developed countries brought up requests to open the service trade markets in China, and this core request has a direct hit on our culture field. Zhang said, ‘Because China was an export-oriented economy at the time, it was crucial to China’s economic development that the developed countries open their traditional markets to China. Western countries have already entered the phase of developing a modern service trade in which the culture industry is their main industry. Thus the opening of a huge service trade market such as China became an urgent need for their economic development.’”

“In November 2001, China joined the WTO. Since then, our culture sphere has had no other option but to face the challenges from the culture of developed countries. However, China did not even have a formal concept of ‘culture industry’ until 2000. The Central Authorities obviously noticed this challenge, and thus in ‘Suggestions by the Central Committee of the CCP on Making the Tenth Five-Tear-Plan for the National Economy and Social Development’ that was passed in the Fifth Session of the Fifteenth Central Committee of the CCP, 2000, ‘culture industry’ was used the first time and it was the first time this term was put into one of the central authorities’ documents.” “People generally agree that this marked when the culture industry obtained a ‘legal status’ in China, and it became a milestone with high significance and value.”

“In the strategic intent and expectations of the central decision-makers, not only will the culture industry be the new engine for economic growth and the stepping-stone for economic restructuring; it will also be the important anchor for the development concept of experimental science and a break through point for achieving a change in methods of development. Since the establishment of the Department of Culture Industry, in the Ministry of Culture in 1998, China’s culture industry has gone through 10 years. Compared with nine years ago, now China has a clearer and a more accurate understanding of culture and the culture industry. The culture has more and more become the origin of national cohesion and creative power, as well as an important factor in the competition for overall national power. The Seventeenth Central Committee of the CCP raised the important strategic tasks of driving socialist culture to be vigorously developed and prospered and setting up a new upsurge in socialist culture development. These tasks required the nation to greatly develop the culture industry, prosper the culture market, distinctively increase the proportion of the culture industry in the national economy, and enhance the international competitiveness of China’s culture.”

"In a research report from the Ministry of Culture, it was said that the culture industry has a comparative advantage in many aspects that are unmatched by other industries. First, the culture industry does not consume a lot of resources and has little environmental pollution. … The culture industry mainly produces spiritual products. These products use creativity as the source, the content as the core, and as long as there is a steady stream of ideas, there will be a steady stream of output and profit. The development of the culture industry does not need a high expense for resources and does not pollute the environment. Secondly, the culture industry has high economic returns and long term benefits. Once consumers recognize and seek after the culture products, they will bring relatively high economic returns. Thirdly, the culture industry has a lower entry barrier, and can use lots of labor. The industry chain is longer and the employment is flexible. Not only is it suitable for large-scale, modern enterprises with high-tech equipment, but it can also accept individuals and small-scale traditional market players who rely on personal creativity and development of traditional skills. In addition, the culture industry and other industries of the national economy are having widespread penetration and integration with each other. They together are forming a huge industrial chain and industry clusters that use culture content as a link. They are becoming increasingly correlated with each other. At the high-end of the culture industry, service industries such as creative design are gradually combining with other industries. This way the culture connotation and product value of these traditional industries are upgraded and so the culture industry is playing an increasingly important role in promoting economic development. The culture elements can be blended together with other modes of economic production and operating styles to greatly drive other industries. The decision-makers hope the culture industry, in addition to giving full play to economic development, can also enhance the soft power of the national culture, and make a unique contribution to shaping a new international image for our nation."

On April 2, 2008, the BBC published an annual global public opinion poll. According to the results, in the evaluation of fourteen countries and areas, China ranked number seven. The positive feedback for China came mostly from the Middle East and Africa and the negative feedback came mostly from European countries and North America. On January 17, 2009, the China Academy of Sciences published the “China Modernization Report for 2009.” This report pointed out that even though the culture influence index for China ranked number seven globally, the value of the China index was only half of the value of the U.S. index, which was number one. “Facing the difficulties of global influence,” Zhang Xiaoming thought, “China must resolve the difficulties by developing a culture industry and having exchanges with the world. China needs to clearly express its position on international society’s widely respected practices and ethics concepts. Otherwise, China will ‘face difficulty everywhere and no matter what China does, others will have doubts.’” “In the current International environment, China’s culture urgently needs to ‘reach out.’ …China’s culture products that have Chinese elements and are very attractive, when disseminated in the world culture market…will bring China’s culture and spirit to the whole world through the world culture market platform. 

“The culture ‘reaching out’ strategy formally originated around the mid 1990s. It was earlier than the concept of the ‘culture industry.’ Although there are still many factors constraining culture from ‘reaching out,’ for this time in history, International society’s attention on China provides new opportunities to promote the culture industry’s ‘reaching out.’ The world is more and more acknowledging and paying attention to China’s culture, and to the unique better economic position that China has in this financial crisis. All these provide the opportunities for China’s culture ‘reaching out’ strategy.

In the China culture industry 30 people forum, the common understanding that the experts and scholars reached is that the next ten years will be the golden age of our culture industry. China Media University’s Culture Industry Institute director of the academic committee, Qi Yongfeng, thinks the “Twelfth Five-Year (Plan)” period will be considered the “growing up” period for the culture industry. The culture industry should be treated as a “National strategy industry” and employ important policies to accelerate its development. The “Thirteenth Five-Year” period (2016-2020) will be the period when the culture industry becomes internationalized. Our culture industry will enter the international market at a much faster pace and will set up its international competitive power as a culture giant.

According to a related bureau calculation, the culture industry represented 2.6% of the GDP in 2007. Using this ratio, the increase in the culture industry was around 641.2 billion which was an 18.4% increase over what it was in 2006. The ratio of the GDP increased 0.15% in 2008 which kept up the rapid growth momentum. The annual report on the national culture industry for 2008 has not yet been published. According to historical data, the increase in the culture industry will be close to 760 billion yuan and national family entertainment expenses will be around 639.1 billion yuan.

The China Culture Industry Report for 2009 pointed out that the growth of our domestic economic development decreased. However, the culture industry still sustained stable rapid growth and remained one of the few highlights in the domestic economy. “In 2008, Beijing, Hunan, Yunnan, Shanghai, and Guangdong became the five provinces where the culture industry ratio to GDP was larger than 5%. After these ‘five big clubs,’ other areas are catching up quickly. At a provincial conference, Xu Guangchun, who was the communist party committee secretary of Henan Province, issued a requirement for the Henan culture industry: ‘In Henan Province, because of the mindset, bureau organization, the arrangement of work, and other factors in general, economic development has dwarfed culture industry development. The culture industry’s scale, level, and performance are not comparable to its economy and culture resources, and could not meet the expectations and requirements of its people. It is highly desirable that we open up a new path in our culture revolution and strive to promote culture’s greater development. Thus, we will have a brand new image of both our hard and soft capacity in central China.’”

“Although all the data is promising, the development of the culture industry still has a lot of problems. The first one is that the culture industry’s revenue is small and makes a limited contribution to the GDP. The second one is that investments are insufficient and the infrastructure is out of date. The third problem is that marketability is poor and the industry is not centralized. The forth problem is the shortage of culture management professionals. The investment and financial support system lag far behind. The fifth problem is a lack of specific development planning; the related policies of the culture industry are not complete. The sixth problem is that the unfavorable balance of trade is still very significant. The ability of the culture industry to spread and to exert influence both need further improvement.”

“Experts think that science and technology, especially the rapid development and application of networking technology, digital technology, and new media technology, have deeply affected the development of the culture industry in four aspects. The first one is providing the advanced means and presentation forms for making the culture programs. Technology has made the presentation way more vivid, colorful, and attractive. The second one is giving birth to more new forms in the culture industry, such as electronic tickets, networking culture, cell phone culture, 4D movies, etc. The third one is the great expansion of channels to export and deliver the culture programs. The dominant broadcast channels for culture programs have been greatly challenged. More open, mutual channel layouts have been formed. The era when culture programs were based mainly on “broadcasting is king,” and dominated by television channels is gone. The era that evaluates programs based on quality and performance has become the main trend. The fourth one is that multiple high-speed, high-capacity channels have been built. The need for culture-rich programs has increased dramatically. This has provided a rapid development opportunity for the culture industry that centers on content creation and production. “The future for areas that have integrated science, technology and culture looks very bright for the next ten years. It would be a fatal mistake not to take it as a national strategy of development.” Zhang Xiaoming said, “The only chance for China to catch up with the culture industry of developed countries will be within a network. It is impossible in any other area.”

“In addition, Gao Shusheng, deputy director of the Reform Office of the Propaganda Ministry, found several noticeable trends in the development of China’s culture industry based on his recent years working on the coordination of policies and a grass-roots investigation: First, our culture resources have come to the period of big adjustments and big integration. Currently the administrative allocation system of culture resources is no longer suitable for the socialist market economic system. This not only causes a blockage in certain areas; it also leads to industrial monopoly. Ultimately it hurts the culture industry badly. This is exhibited in the fact that the present culture enterprises are very small and weak, and similar to each other. Therefore, the reform needs to break this old system and let the market system play a fundamental role in the allocation of culture resources. In this situation, someone’s will doesn’t determine the adjustment and integration of culture resources; instead they are determined by the market and capital. Second, the divisions among industries are blurred. There is a trend toward merging. Before, culture was categorized in three areas, “culture art, media, and publishing.” Because media technology and means are increasingly diverse, the trend toward merging blurs the lines of division between the industries. Third, the integration of the culture, travel and manufacturing industries has become more and more obvious. From now on, with further development of culture resources, the integration of culture and travel – that is deep travel – must appear in China. Fourth, culture industry development has transformed from spontaneous to conscious. The culture revolution is turning toward taking advantage of the market system’s direction. However, the market system also has its disadvantages. To fully employ the incubation and assembly functions of the culture industry’s base, and to strengthen planning, regulation and guidance are indispensable. Therefore, the top priority is to study and plan out the development strategy for the national culture industry.

“The Ministry of Culture Policy and Regulation Department Director, Han Yongjin, thought, based on the concept ‘culture market’ from the 1980s, to write ‘culture industry’ into the nation’s ‘Tenth Five-Year’ plan. The Chinese Communist Party Central Committee’s Fourth Plenary Session of the Sixteenth Congress first introduced the (name of) ‘culture productivity’ in the ‘Resolution of the CPC Central Committee on strengthening the Party’s governing ability’ in 2004, and introduced ‘culture soft power’ in 2006, all reflecting our Party’s understanding of the law of human society’s development, the law of the communist culture’s development, and the law that the communist party leads socialist advanced culture to become deeper and deeper, and more and more complete. These are the three milestones in China’s culture development history.

“Han Yongjin said the birth of the concept ‘culture industry’ indicates that culture also has the function of being industrialized. In addition to our traditional understanding that culture possesses the nature of ideology, being our battlefield, our tongue, and the tool of education and propaganda, culture also has a connection to the market, and can be used to make money. … This is not only a new name, and new concept; it is also a necessary requirement for the socialist market economic system of culture; it is the natural choice of China’s style of socialist culture development; it is the natural result of the culture industry’s self-practice and theory research.” 

“In November 2006, the CPC Central Committee General Secretary and State President Hu Jintao introduced ‘improve the nation’s soft power’ in his speech at the Eighth National Congress of the China Federation of Literature and Art and the Seventh National Congress of the Chinese Writer’s Association.” “From ‘culture market’ to ‘culture industry,’ then from ‘culture industry’ to ‘culture productivity,’ and ‘culture soft power,’ all these reflect that the Communist Party’s understanding of the development laws of human society and of socialist culture have become deeper and deeper.” “Science and technology will lead the renovation of China’s culture industry. …”

“In retrospect, we have found that our nation’s development concept has evolved from the initial stage of two parts one entity, that is ‘socialist material civilization and spiritual civilization,’ into the later three parts of ‘material civilization, political civilization, and spiritual civilization,’ to the current four parts one entity stage, which is ‘socialist economic development, political development, culture development and society’s development.’”

Endnote:
[1] Outlook Weekly,  October 28, 2009 

In the article "The Development of Inner-Party Democracy and the Improvement of Democratic Centralism," it says, "The development of inner-Party democracy should be carried out within the Party’s democratic centralism system; it cannot cross the boundaries of the Party’s democratic centralism system; more importantly, it cannot deny, abandon or cancel the Party’s democratic centralism system. The democratic centralism system, as the Party’s fundamental leadership system and political principle, is the essential characteristic and the foundation of the Chinese Communist Party; it is a guarantee for the Party to carry out its leadership role.… It is also the institutional foundation for insuring that the Party maintains its long-term leadership; it is the reflection of and an important source for the Party to maintain its advanced nature. … Upholding a centralized system built on democracy, upholding democracy under the guidance of centralism, and supporting the Party’s centralization and unity are important guarantees of the Party’s creativity, cohesion, and fighting effectiveness. … Only by safeguarding the Party’s centralization and unity can (we) ensure the unity of the nation, the unity of ethnic groups, and the harmony of society."[2]

Although the CCP states that "inner-Party democracy is the life of the Party," the reality is another story. In the article "Guarding against Inattentiveness to Democracy," it said, "Because of the ‘anti-rightist movement’ in 1957, the ‘Great Leap Forward’ in 1958, the ‘anti-rightist’ campaign in 1959, and in particular, the ‘Cultural Revolution,’ which brought a decade of civil strife starting in 1966, inner-Party democracy and the people’s democracy have suffered severe damage. … (At that time) if ever there was any talk, especially sharp criticism, the government would start to check the individuals’ ‘political background’ and ‘political rumors,’ then file a case and start to repress those involved." "The truth cannot be avoided, and cannot be hidden. …The cadre leaders were arrogant, imperious, and despotic, too many sought to serve their own interests, too few solved problems for the people; they didn’t listen to the opinions of the masses or to media criticism. If citizens petitioned or offered public opinions, those in charge were either indifferent or stayed away. Their responses ranged from perfunctory, to not uttering a word, to even adopting such methods as ‘going after them.’ If someone said something different, the official tried to ‘use the media to cover it up, or extinguish it to prevent it from spreading,’ or other self-deceiving, absurd behavior. They even sought revenge. … Inner-Party democracy is the life of the Party, and the people’s democracy is the life of the nation. If there is no democracy, the Party will not advance and will lose its ruling status. There will be no scientific development or social harmony and no Socialist modernization; The Party will disintegrate, and the nation will disintegrate." [3]

"The development of inner-Party democracy and the improvement of democratic centralism should be unified. Inner-Party democracy is a type of ‘limited’ democracy. It is under a certain political authority; it is a democracy within a political organization. Inner-Party democracy is not exactly the same as national democracy. Party members are different from regular citizens; the democratic rights of Party members within the Party are different from citizens’ democratic rights; the dominant rights of Party members in the Party are different from the dominant rights of citizens in the nation. … The unique characteristics of inner-Party democracy are: First, Party members’ equal rights are conditional. That is, the prerequisite to joining the Communist Party is to have common political beliefs. In certain situations, one may be required to sacrifice his/her own rights for the needs of the organization. Second, the power structure within the Party is not equivalent to the power structure at the national level. Although within the Party, power is retrained with power, mostly power is restrained by rights. Third, the scope that inner-Party democracy covers is smaller than that of national democracy or social democracy. Inner-Party democracy involves fewer people. What’s more, in addition to complying with the Constitution and laws, the discipline and requirements within the Party are more strict." [2]

"The inner-Party democracy we are talking about now is very different from the past. It is no longer just an issue of carrying forward democracy in leadership groups or in the decision-making process. Rather, it is an issue of the whole Party’s institutional reform and improvement. To develop inner-Party democracy is a matter of life and death for the Party. The ultimate goal is to have the inner-Party democracy uplift the peoples’ democracy, to have harmony within the Party, and to lead to social harmony. This can be achieved by safeguarding the Party members’ democratic rights as the most basic tenet, focusing on improving the Party congress system and the Party committee system, reforming the institutional mechanisms, and initiating system innovation as the entry point, and having theory, practice and institutional achievements as the mainstay. … Inner-Party democracy is the kernel of democracy. … Democratic centralism serves inner-Party political democracy, so that the inner-Party democracy can be reflected and protected at the system and organizational level. Without keeping democratic centralism under the protection of the system and organization, inner-Party democracy will be difficult to achieve, difficult to sustain, or difficult to control. Therefore, democratic centralism is a reflection of the Party’s political democracy in both its organizational principle and its institutional perspectives." [2]

"In summary, there are two main ways to develop inner-Party democracy: to standardize the power relations within the Party, and to develop direct democracy from the grassroots. The advancement of these two elements must be equally emphasized. To standardize power relations within the Party, in essence, is to develop an indirect democracy within the Party, to standardize the scope of how much power can be delegated and the relationship of allocating power within the Party. It includes the following components: the starting point is to implement the dominant position of Party members’ rights; and then from the bottom-up to designate: the generation of the Party representatives and the role of the Party representatives; from there, the generation the Party Congress and its role as the highest organ of power; from there, the generation of the Party’s Central Committee (local Party committee) and the implementation of its role as a power organization; from there the generation of the Party’s Politburo (local Standing Committee) and the implementation of its role within the authorized power, and lastly, the generation of the Standing Committee of the Politburo and general secretary (local Party committee and the Standing Committee secretary) and the implementation of their roles within the authorized power. … The crux of the problem of inner-Party power relations is the ‘excessive concentration of power.’ Throughout the organizational system, power is more concentrated as one moves up the hierarchy, toward the level of Party committees and above, to eventually the Party Committee Secretary, which has the final say." [2]

"To develop direct democracy from the grassroots is the other main way of developing inner-Party democracy. The basic form of direct democracy is electoral democracy; the most important initiative to develop grassroots direct democracy is to promote grassroots direct elections. … The basic form of grassroots democracy is competition at elections. This competition at elections is the most direct embodiment of inner-Party democracy." [2]

Endnote:
[1] Two descriptions of Democratic Centralism follow:
a.) A Leninist doctrine requiring discussion of issues until a decision is reached by the party. After a decision is made, discussion concerns only planning and execution. This method of decision making directed lower bodies unconditionally to implement the decisions of higher bodies.
http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/albania/al_glos.html
b.) Democratic centralism is the name given to the principles of internal organization used by Leninist political parties, and the term is sometimes used as a synonym for any Leninist policy inside a political party. The democratic aspect of this organizational method describes the freedom of members of the political party to discuss and debate matters of policy and direction, but once the decision of the party is made by majority vote, all members are expected to uphold that decision. This latter aspect represents the centralism. As Lenin described it, democratic centralism consisted of "freedom of discussion, unity of action."  Lenin, V. (1906). "Report on the Unity Congress of the R.S.D.L.P."
http://www.marxists.org/archive/lenin/works/1906/rucong/viii.htm
[2] http://www.studytimes.com.cn/WebPage/ny1.aspx?act=0&id=3061&bid=3
[3] http://www.studytimes.com.cn/WebPage/ny1.aspx?act=0&id=3063&bid=5

On May 14, 2008, Xinhuanet.com published an article, “Review of the Development of the Cultural Industry in the New Era and Its Current Status,” written by Cheng Huizhe, a researcher at the Center for the Strategic Study of Cultural Development, under the Chinese Academy of Art. The author wrote, “The [Chinese] cultural industry has experienced three stages of development. The first stage was from 1978 to1988, when the culture market emerged, and was gradually recognized. The culture industry sprouted amid difficulties and progressed slowly. The second stage was from 1989 to 1998, when the culture industry received social approval while painstakingly making progress. The culture industry served a supporting role to economic development. ‘Culture work sets the stage; economic development is the star.’ From 1999 to 2007 was the third stage, when the culture industry made significant progress.” “During the third 10 years, the concept of the culture industry penetrated into people’s feelings. The culture business’s functionalities and economic attributes became widely recognized. No longer a stair or stage for economic development, culture has become the star of economic development. ‘Culture sets the stage, culture is the star.’ The culture economy and the culture industry itself are the purpose.” [1]

The article said, “In 2000, the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party‘s (CCCCP’s) Proposal of Formulating the Tenth Five-Year Plan for National Economic and Social Development passed in the Fifth Plenary Session of the 15^th party Congress,  For the first time, the Central government’s official document formally adopted the concept of ‘cultural industry.’ The proposal required improving the cultural industry’s policies, strengthening the development and management of the culture market, promoting the expansion of the culture industry, and outlining the responsibilities and requirements for the culture industry’s development. It is of great significance in setting a landmark for China’s recognition of the culture industry.’ In 2001, the culture industry was included in the country’s Tenth Five-Year Plan. The culture industry has since become a significant part of China’s economic and social development strategy.

In 2002, the report of the party’s 16^th Congress gave a whole chapter to the culture industry, calling for actively developing the culture industry, improving policy, and supporting its development. In 2004, the CCCCP’s Decision on Strengthening the Party’s Governance passed in the Fourth Plenary Session of the 16th party Congress. It put forth the requirements for the development of China’s culture industry in the new age. The development of the culture industry was also included in the party’s proposal for the Eleventh Five-Year Plan at the Fifth Plenary Session of the 16^th party Congress in 2005, and the Outline of the Eleventh Five-Year Development Plan passed in 2006. In 2007, the report of the 17^th party Congress again reiterated the need to vigorously advance the culture industry in order for it to make a significant contribution to the prosperity of the culture of Socialism. [1]

On the same day, another article published on Xinhua stated, “Traditional Chinese culture is the treasure house for developing the modern culture industry. The most pressing matter of the moment for implementing the decisions of the party’s 17th Congress and accelerating the development of the culture industry is, without doubt, to seize the opportunity and turn the advantages of our culture resources into advantages of the culture industry, to strive to create an attractive ‘China Dream.’” [2]

In April 10, 2008, Outlook Weekly magazine published an article, “Coping With the Tendency of ‘Soft Containment.’” It said, “In recent years, some Western mainstream media produced a large number of biased reports on Chinese products and its food safety issues, triggered by the ‘lead toys’ incident in the United States, and the ‘poisonous dumplings incident in Japan. In addition, Western media played up issues such as ‘Chinese spies,’ ‘China energy plundering,’ the Darfur issue, and the Beijing Olympic Games. China’s national image has been distorted.” “The massive reports of some Western media and social organizations that distorted China’s image have provided ample space for the ‘soft containment’ of China.” “It is obvious that the Western media are continuously manipulating public opinion to constrain China’s international environment for development.” “[Chinese] authorities are greatly concerned about such ‘soft containment.’ People in charge have pointed out that the purpose of ‘soft containment’ is to ‘damage your image, undermine your external environment, and slow down your development.’ They called for being vigilant and smashing the ‘soft containment’ of China.” [3]

The article also states, “As the Western media has an extensive communication network, and a wealth of information resources, it has enormous influence in setting the agenda. According to statistics, over 90% of the world’s information is disseminated from the U.S.-led Western countries; more than 70% is disseminated by multi-national media giants in those countries. Most developing countries can only serve as information transit points, relaying information from the Western Countries. It is true even in the Internet era. China’s national image has thus been distorted. According to the academic research, for longer than the past 10 years, Western, and especially the U.S. media’s main tone on China has not fundamentally changed.” “According to academic analysis, some features of the ‘soft containment’  include: putting pressure on the ideologies during so-called dialogue or communication, with the recognition of China’s rise and its role in international affairs; exerting influence on the world’s governments’ policies and forcing China to make concessions using pressure on ideological, economic, and social issues. The pressure on ideologies relies particularly on the media and public opinion.” [3]

The Outlook Weekly article quoted a number of views from Chinese officials and scholars:

The Vice Dean of the School of Journalism and Communication at Peking University, Professor Cheng Manli, said, “Many Western media have always understood and judged the world according to their inherent values and interests, based upon which they set the ‘agenda’ for reporting, while the general audience can hardly perceive the selection process. Most people interpret the outside world by following the agenda and information chosen by the mainstream media.” “By setting the agenda, the Western media determine which events are important, which are less important, and which are not important. A virtual environment is thus built. Although this environment is not real, it, however, does have a great impact on people’s minds, behavior, and decision-making.” “For the world to learn objectively and accurately about China, (China) must break through the agenda set by the Western media and give China a voice on a broader platform.” “Firstly, China needs to seize the initiative in the international media, guide public opinion, and turn around from the current position of being passively judged by others. To achieve this, we must have the support of national power and we must have the sense of proactively communicating our agenda.” “Secondly, we must rely on our own international media to reverse what Western media report. Under the current circumstances, China should adapt to the outside world on linguistic symbols and means of expression, and thereby have Western media relay China’s message.” “Thirdly, we ought to focus on issues and hot topics of the international community, participate in the world’s discussions, and eventually dominate the reports.” “Meanwhile, in order to reap the gradually accumulated effects, we need to systematically clean up and refine China’s image.” Cheng Manli finally pointed out, “Lastly, overseas Chinese are an important audience. Their recognition and identification with China’s national image will help increase the effectiveness of disseminating information in the international arena.” [3]

The director of the Journalism Institute of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Yi Yungong, said, “The Western media claim they pursue objective reporting, but when faced with the same facts, their reporting, including their angle of observation, tailoring of the facts, and editing of the details, are permeated with their values and bias.” [3]

Professor Yu Guoming at the School of Journalism and Communication of the Renmin University of China said, “From the perspective of news research, the Western media’s distorted coverage can be approximately divided into two categories: one category is due to ignorance, confusion, or lack of understanding; the other is deliberately distorting the facts. When it is to intentionally distort the facts, there must be some political purpose or even more, a profound national interest behind it.” [3]

Mr. Zhao Qizheng who once served as the director of the State Council Information Office said, “In the United States, only a few of the elite can influence U.S. policy: Members of Congress, the President, the chief editors of major newspapers, and top university professors. These people have an impact on U.S. policies, while other people don’t. In other words, the social elite in Western societies establish the public opinion agenda to control the international political and the economic agenda. Some scholars have even developed a term, ‘momentum making’ to describe the process: often times the so-called ‘social problems’ do not always have an objective and real existence, but are known to the public through the media’s selection, sorting, and dissemination. For the media who are ‘creating the momentum,’ it’s not important whether an issue is real or not. What is important is how to impose a particular social significance on it, introduce it to the public, draw wide attention and discussion to it, and arrive at a society-wide ‘consensus building’ through a ‘commonly defined process.’” [3]

Professor Jin Chanrong, Vice Dean of the School of International Relations at the Renmin University of China, said, “The reason Western countries can arbitrarily apply a double standard to China is that China’s soft power is still weak. He pointed out that soft power includes factors such as core values, the influence of social culture, the influence of commercial culture, and the effectiveness of domestic and foreign policies. In recent years, China’s soft power has been enhanced: the government has increased the support for our own culture products, and culture exports have increased. Since 2004, borrowing experience from language promotion agencies from the U.K., France, Germany, and Spain, China has been supporting the establishment of Confucius Institutes. But overall, compared to Western countries, China’s soft power is much weaker, the gap remains wide, and ‘China’s voice’ is not loud enough”. [3]

Mr. Cai Wu, the Minister of Culture and former director of the State Council Information Office, publicly stated, “At present, the proportion of positive, objective, and accurate foreign news reports on China is still relatively small.” “If we can take advantage of the modern digital technology, our current means of communication, and citizen diplomacy, we can break through the hegemony of dominance in public opinion.” [3]

On December 8, 2008, Outlook Weekly magazine published an article entitled, “The Expansion of Soft Power with Chinese Characteristics.” Dong Manyuan, author and researcher at the China Institute of International Studies, said, “30 years of reform and opening up has substantially upgraded China’s hard power. Its ever climbing soft power has a different nature from the Western definition. … China’s system, path, and development model reveal persistent vitality.” “The Chinese Communist Party has a strong and mature capacity for governance and popular public support. It is almost impossible for foreign forces to change China’s system; it’s almost futile for major powers to curb China’s development.” [4]

On May 25, 2009, Study Times published an article titled, “The Strategic Choice of China’s Cultural Modernization.” The article said, “The strategic choice of Chinese cultural modernization is to follow the basic principles of cultural modernization, to learn from the historic experiences of the world’s cultural modernization, and to be in line with China’s specific conditions and international environment. From the angle of science and modernization, we have focused on studying Chinese cultural modernization strategy’s quantitative targets, basic path, and implementation measures. We have also drawn a road map which is a strategic plan to achieve the strategic objectives and a systematic integration of the target, the path, and the means.” This strategic objective can be approached from three aspects: “(1) the implementation of the ‘National Culture Agenda’ so as to improve the quality of cultural life; (2) the implementation of ‘the Strategy of Revitalizing Chinese Culture’ to enhance our cultural competitiveness; (3) the implementation of the project, the ‘Quality Works of Chinese Civilization’ (a collection of high quality productions) to enhance cultural influence.” At the end of the article, it concluded that “the modernization of Chinese culture is a complicated systematic project, which cannot be achieved overnight. From a scientific and modern perspective, the cultural modernization road map can be a strategic choice. The 21st century is the century of the revitalization of Chinese culture and will be a century of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.” [5]

On June 9, 2009, Xinhua reported that Li Changchun, a member of Standing Committee of the Politburo, addressed the promotion of socialist cultural development during his trip to Zhejiang Province. Li said, “While leading the people in periods of revolution, social development, and reform and opening up, the party has left landmarks and spiritual wealth, which are valuable resources for patriotic education. Taking the opportunity to celebrate the 60th anniversary of the new China, (we need) to carry out massive patriotic education campaigns, guide the cadres and the massive public in the deep understanding of history that it was the Chinese people who chose Marxism, the Chinese Communist Party, socialism, and the reform and opening up, and who further strengthen the faith and confidence in walking on the socialist path with Chinese characteristics and achieving the great renaissance of the nation under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party.” [6]

On July 20, 2009, Study Times also quoted Ye Xianwen, then Chief of the State Administration of Religious Affairs and special commentator for People’s Daily, from his conversation with the ethnic musician Xuan Ke in the dialogue, “Restoring Chinese Culture and Going Beyond.” Ye said, “Now, with the socioeconomic development, the Chinese nation is showing a momentum of rising and renaissance. However, in order to achieve the great rejuvenation of the nation, although it is very important to sustain a continual and rapid economic growth, we cannot neglect culture as the base and internal appeal. For a nation to stand high among the nations in the world and win respect, it needs to be not only ‘rich and powerful,’ but ‘culturally charming.’” He added, “Although the history of modern Western countries is not long, they have experienced the Renaissance, which provides a solid foundation for culture. If the Renaissance freed ‘human beings’ from the shackles of God, and later humans were deified, degenerated, and mankind fell downwards against its own nature, and even became a ‘virus,’ the [present] era calls for a new Renaissance. Mankind must return from an overly inflated self to ‘harmonious human beings,’ and must build a new ‘harmonious world,’ in which mankind harmonizes with nature, with society, and with mankind itself. Amid the development of a harmonious society, Chinese culture may need go through the culture restoration process of ‘basic cultivation in poetry, manners, and music,’ [8] and ‘music, and the harmony of heaven and earth.’ [9] The great renaissance of Chinese culture will be accompanied by a process from the “social values crushed” to a new stage of “social values revitalized.”… The renaissance of Chinese culture, such a complicated and heavy topic, can be brought out beginning from talking about the revitalization of social values, and then carried forward.” “Achieving the creation of the great history of the Chinese nation’s rejuvenation is bound to produce a magnificent epic. … China’s The Yellow River Cantata, and Long March Songs [10] are all ‘immortal works’ that are amazing and educational.” “We’re a large country, if everyone comes out to address this issue, even ‘Falun Gong’ will talk about it. That is not permitted. We encourage everyone to speak out, listen to good suggestions, and collect ideas. We should let the good voices spread all over the world, but for bad voices, we should block or guide them.” [7]

Endnotes:
[1] Xinhua, May 14, 2008
http://news.xinhuanet.com/politics/2008-05/14/content_8168192.htm
[2] Xinhua, May 14, 2008
http://news.xinhuanet.com/politics/2008-05/14/content_8167949.htm
[3] Xinhua, April 10, 2008
http://news.xinhuanet.com/politics/2008-04/10/content_7950835_1.htm
[4] Xinhua, December 8, 2008
http://news.xinhuanet.com/politics/2008-12/08/content_10473539.htm
[5] Study Times, May 25, 2009
http://www.studytimes.com.cn/WebPage/ny1.aspx?act=1&id=2667&nid=9674&bid=6&page=1
[6] Xinhua, June 9, 2009
http://news.xinhuanet.com/politics/2009-06/09/content_11515860.htm
[7]Study Times, July 20, 2009
http://www.studytimes.com.cn/WebPage/ny1.aspx?act=0&id=2808&bid=9
[8] The Analects of Confucius
[9] The Book of Music, a classic Chinese literature during Warring States Period, (BC 453 – BC 221)
[10] Titles of the songs that the Chinese government promotes.

The peaceful development path is a breakthrough in the traditional socialist path, a breakthrough from developing socialism behind closed doors, and a breakthrough in the world revolution path. In the late 1980s, socialism in the Soviet Union, Eastern Europe and other countries suffered a setback. The reason that the traditional socialism path suffered a setback is largely related to trying to develop a socialist planned economy on its own by following the so called “Stalin model.” The “Stalin model” was a product of the special conditions during the era of war and revolution in Russia. It was for a large yet economically weak country to survive and develop, although surrounded by capitalism, to increase economic power and to strengthen its national defense at all costs through the implementation of a comprehensive collectivization of its system, and to establish a mandatory and highly centralized planned economy in the political system.

The core feature of this model is that a socialist country isolates itself from the capitalist world, and tries to develop socialism on its own, in order to lay a foundation for world revolution. Although this model has the advantage of conceiving a big picture under a concentration of power, there are many profound defects in following this model, such as causing institutional rigidities, resource constraints, and a lack of vitality . . . . The failure of socialism in the world since the 1980s is not the failure of the socialist path itself, but the failure of the “Stalin model.” 

In contrast, the reason that socialism with Chinese characteristics was able to revive and become more vital since the 1980s is because the CCP has established and followed a peaceful development path ever since it adopted the reform and opening up policy, which was after the Third Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee took place. Through the reform and opening up, the room for the development of China’s socialism has widened, so that it can take advantage of the strategic opportunities brought about by globalization and the new technological revolution, thus adding strong impetus to China’s development. The peaceful development path is not only a breakthrough in the traditional socialist path, but also a breakthrough in the traditional capitalist path. It is the external realization of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

Thirty years experience of adopting the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics has proven that China’s development is inseparable from the rest of the world. As a less developed country, to build socialism we must anchor together with the capitalist world, adhere to an open, peaceful development path, seek cooperation through an open policy, develop through cooperation, and achieve mutual benefit and development based on common interests with the other countries of the world. Only in this way…can we advance the magnificent undertaking of socialism with Chinese characteristics. Therefore, to strengthen socialism in China by extensively participating in the labor division in the international arena, to obtain nutrition from “the body of capitalism” by opening up to the world, and to advance socialism with Chinese characteristics through cooperation with the entire capitalist system, are the essence of China’s peaceful development path, the core of the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics. 

The peaceful development path is not only a breakthrough in the isolated and revolutionary traditional socialist path, but also a breakthrough in the traditional capitalist path that is based on expanding outwards and shifting crises. It is not a path of seeking hegemony, nor is it a path of waging war. Rather it is a path to promote world peace and world harmony. China’s adhering to the peaceful development path is determined by the characteristic of globalization, China’s own internal development needs, and the goals and tasks of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

Since the 15th century, none of the development paths of the world’s major capitalist powers were peaceful paths, but rather paths full of overseas colonization, external plundering, expansion and even military invasion.  However, since the 1980s, along with the development of globalization, international competition has been switching to competition of overall national power and creation of a peaceful international environment. The competition is centered on competing resources of technology, talent, raw materials and other factors of production, rather than a debate about social system and ideology. In the race between socialism and capitalism, the core competitiveness of socialism with Chinese characteristics comes from self-development via seeking a peaceful international environment, providing needed markets, capital, technology, talent, raw materials, and other important factors for China’s development, and the enhancement of society’s recognition of the national identity. It also comes from China’s active participation in establishing and improving the new international rules and standards, safeguarding the new, just, peaceful and stable international order, establishing a harmonized world of long lasting peace and prosperity with other countries, and increasing China’s influence and appeal to the international community.  Therefore, the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics is very different from the modernization path that the world’s major capitalist powers have walked through.

China’s choice of the peaceful development path is also the only choice of globalization. The development of globalization has tied China closely to the rest of the world. China’s development is inseparable from the world. Dependencies on international trade, international investment, and other aspects of social life are all on the rise; the cost would be extraordinarily high for China to elect a non-peaceful development path. Therefore, China cannot follow the footprint of Germany and Japan to accumulate resources at any cost by expanding externally and starting a war, because in the globalization era, the damage a country creates to the world development environment will also negatively impact the country itself, and even lead to the retrogression of the country’s comprehensive national power and its social development. In the era of globalization, the relationship between the socialist countries and the capitalist countries is no longer “who wins and who looses; who lives and who dies,” but rather the co-existent relationship of “you have me, I have you,” and a relationship of “cooperation when there is competition, and competition when there is cooperation.”  Therefore, the main task of socialism with Chinese characteristics is not to eradicate or replace capitalism, but to effectively use capitalism to serve the development of socialism.

In fact, what the international community worries about most is not China showing its military power in the future, because the combined Western powers are sufficient to meet a challenge from China alone. What they are concerned about most is that China expedites the implementation of the socialist modernization goals through its unremitting efforts. Once the goals and ideals become a reality, China’s practice will prove incontrovertibly that capitalism is not the only choice of human history. Any country will be able to learn from the experience of the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics, choose the socialist path that fits its own characteristics, and ultimately implement its own historic mission of achieving national prosperity and national rejuvenation. In this way, the prediction of “the end of history” will be declared to be a complete failure and the balance of international power will change to be more favorable to socialist development. This is the most lethal weapon for the capitalist world and definitely what the Capitalist countries do not want to see.

The peaceful development path is the only way that socialism with Chinese characteristics needs to take.  This is determined by China’s basic national condition of remaining at the primary stage of socialism for a long time. China is a socialist country. Practice has proved that only socialism can make China develop, and only socialism can solve the fundamental problem of 1.2 billion people reaching prosperity. However, China’s socialism is not as Marxism envisaged, that socialism grows out of the most developed Capitalist society. Instead, it is established through revolution in the most backward semi-feudal and semi-colonial society. Building socialism in China cannot avoid a fundamental situation. That is, China will remain at socialism’s primary stage for a long time. As for development, China faces greater pressure and more severe challenges than any other country. It cannot avoid pressure because of relatively limited resources, and a relatively large population. Thus, for a fairly long period of time, developing socialism in China must focus on the development of productivity. Development is the top priority for the CCP to govern and rejuvenate the nation. . . . We need to be able to endure loneliness. No matter how the international situation changes and no matter how other countries comment, always adhering to the peaceful development path is the inherent requirement of socialism with Chinese characteristics.   

From the worldwide perspective, the path of socialism with Chinese characteristics is constrained by the international system that has long been dominated by capitalism, making the fight for a peaceful international environment the primary task of socialism with Chinese characteristics. In particular, since the late 1980s, the socialist movement in the world went into valleys. In contrast, capitalism has shown considerably strong development vitality, with the globalization wave, the rapid technological revolution, an information network-based “knowledge economy,” and the creation of more efficient social productivity. The power between capitalism and socialism in the world is out of balance.

In front of such an imbalanced situation, there is no way for China alone to challenge the entire capitalist world. The vitality of China’s socialism depends entirely on China’s own development, and depends on China’s economic strength and social improvements. Only when we use any opportunities that we can possibly use to boost domestic development, to develop China, and to target reaching a higher level every few years, can we have a voice in international affairs, and prove the superiority of Socialism. . . . Thus, the competition between socialism with Chinese characteristics and capitalism is not on the war battlefield, but on its strength in the development path and its stamina in the future. China does not need to pursue winning over the opponent with the military. There is no need to seek hegemony, or to be overly concerned about so-called world influence. As long as China can fully take advantage of the “strategic period” of the peaceful international environment to grow itself, the superiority of socialism with Chinese characteristics will naturally be shown. In recent years, the international community’s heated discussion on “China’s rise,” the praise of the “China model,” and the attention paid to China’s strength, are the result of China’s 30 years of continuous, rapid and peaceful development. Recognizing this point is very important to understanding the significance of China’s peaceful development path of socialism with Chinese characteristics.
 
The peaceful development path has set the basic road map for socialism with Chinese characteristics: overseas, seeking cooperation as much as possible with the developed capitalist countries at all levels in order to win time, resources and opportunities for the development of socialism with Chinese characteristics; domestically, actively expediting the process of the market economy, developing various forms of the non-public economy, and maximizing the productivity of the capitalist market economy, to provide a solid foundation for the development and growth of socialism. Therefore, China’s peaceful development path is the external form of socialism with Chinese characteristics. The nature of socialism with Chinese characteristics is essentially peaceful development. These two are different forms of the same path. In practice, they are the outside and inside of the same thing, supporting each other, and serving the magnificent undertaking of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

Endnote:
[1] http://www.studytimes.com.cn/WebPage/ny1.aspx?act=0&id=3037&bid=2

The National Video Teleconference on Political and Legislative Affairs was held on December 18, 2009, at 3:00 p.m. The attendees included key party leaders and government officials from the central, provincial, prefectural, and county levels. Meng Jianzhu, the Minister of Public Security (MPS), hosted the three-hour long meeting. Those who spoke at the meeting include Zhou Yongkang, member of the Standing Committee Politburo, head of the Committee on Political and Legislative Affairs of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (CCCCP) and the Committee for Comprehensive Management of Public Security, and leader of the Steering Group on Stability Preservation Work; Wang Shengjun, President of the Supreme Court; Cao Jianming, Procurator-General of the Supreme Procuratorate; Yang Huanning, Executive Vice Minister of Public Security; and Wu Aiying, Minister of Justice. The MPS report lists six key tasks for year 2010.

I. Effectively Grasp the Initiative in the Combat against the Enemies

Further enhance our political sensitivity and discernment. Do in-depth studies to accurately grasp the new changes and new characteristics of the enemies’ current situations. Vigorously strengthen intelligence and intelligence operations. Strive to anticipate and prevent the enemies’ actions, and prevail by using preemptive strikes.

First, we need to strengthen the task of securing our ideological field. We should closely monitor the key people, effectively control their activities, constrict their movement space as much as possible, and weaken the effectiveness of their activity. To those enemies inside China and overseas who dare to challenge the bottom line of our political system with illegal and criminal activities, we must strike them with the law, taking a clear-cut stand.

Second, we must do everything we can to safeguard the social stability in Xinjiang and Tibet. We need to conscientiously implement the spirit of the upcoming CCCCP’s Fifth Forum on Tibetan Tasks as well as the CCCCP’s Forum on Xinjiang Tasks; properly handle the critical relationships between the short term and long term, domestic and overseas issues, and the struggle against the enemy and contradictions among our own people; comprehensively strengthen the working mechanism and grass roots level infrastructures on maintaining Xinjiang and Tibet’s stability; and continuously improve the ability to initiate combat, prevent attacks, and handle emergencies. All levels of Tibetan public security authorities need to take further effective measures to strengthen management on all aspects in the community, strengthen the control of key temples and people, insist on beating down the Dalai clique’s sabotage, and make sure to maintain the stability of Tibet and other Tibetan areas.

Third, we must be firm and determined to crack down on the sabotage by “Falun Gong” and other organizations. It is necessary to focus on the fight against “Falun Gong” and dig deep into its underground organization to further weaken its revival ability. Use the law to strengthen the monitoring and control of key people in the religious field and effectively fight against the hostile forces who use religion to infiltrate and sabotage activities inside and outside China.

Fourth, we must pay great attention to combat against the so-called “human rights defenders.” We need to effectively strengthen investigations at the grass roots level, identify those hostile overseas organizations and the key domestic individuals taking part in so called “defending human rights” activities, cut off their communication channels, prevent individuals from becoming leaders of human rights defense groups, prevent the formation of human rights defense organizations, and prevent them from forming an influential force. To those leaders and backbone individuals who stir up others in the name of “defending human rights,” we must strengthen educating, transforming, and controlling them. If they are incorrigible, we need to collect evidence and handle them using legal provisions. For all kinds of “human rights defense” groups, overseas groups, and non-governmental groups, who are funded, controlled, and supported by the Western hostile forces to engage in defending human rights and in infiltration and sabotage activities, we must coordinate with relevant authorities to closely monitor them as well as monitor their agents and their affiliated groups.

Fifth, we need to intensify the fight online. Crack down on illegal online activities such as forming political parties and communities, as well as the spread of illegal information to stir up others. We must do everything to stop the spread of harmful information, and prevent the hostile forces and individuals from establishing online fronts that could eventually form a force. To those who use the Internet and other new media to attack the party and the government and attempt to create ideological confusion, once discovered, they should be immediately deleted or blocked. Then we need to investigate it online and detect their physical location as soon as possible. We need to effectively integrate various resources and step up control of the Internet. The Internet police force needs to be extended to the county-level; their online patrol effort needs to reach toward relatively weak areas such as the online QQ groups and Twitters. We must enhance our effort to improve online detection, supervision, control, and handling abilities, prevent the formation of covert criminal organizations, and prevent the formation of destructive forces that could stir up society.

II. Actively Prevent and Appropriately Handle Major Massive Social Unrest

First, thoroughly carry out the work to resolve conflicts and disputes.

Second, establish and improve the mechanism for dealing with emergency situations.

Third, focus on improving on-site handling ability.

Fourth, strengthen the development of emergency support.

III. Fully Implement Public Security’s Management and Control Measures

First, insist on the “strike hard” policy to harshly crack down on all serious criminal activities.
Second, follow the unified arrangements of the Committee for Comprehensive Management of Public Security to fix critical security issues and carry out the cleanup of places with poor public security. The focus is on suburban areas, critical residential areas inside cities, small hotels, rental houses, KTV and ballrooms, bath and massage houses, and hair salons.

Third, focus on strengthening the management of key populations, key items, and key sites; be determined to prevent loopholes in the areas of management and control. The key population includes the mobile population, high-risk individuals that could potentially be involved in violence and terrorist groups, individuals with criminal records who have a tendency to take revenge on communities, and mental patients who are likely to make trouble. Key items include firearms and ammunition, dangerous explosives, and regulated cutlery. Key sites include entertainment places, the market place, hotels, and Internet services.
Fourth, build a street-level monitoring network and actively promote a dynamic prevention and control system for public security. We will strive for completing this prevention and control system at the provincial, municipal, and county levels within three years, starting next year.

IV. Do Well in the Security Work for the Shanghai World Expo and the Guangzhou Asian Games

V. Further Promote the “Three Basics” Project and the “Three Developments” [3]

First, accelerate the development of information technology in public security departments. Build a “Grand Intelligence” information system [2] in public security government organs and comprehensively promote the second stage of the “Golden Shield Project.” Strive to finish the intelligence information platform at the provincial, municipal, and county levels before the end of next year.
 
Second, vigorously strengthen the development of standard law enforcement procedure.

Third, strive to build a harmonious relationship between the police and the public.

Fourth, further strengthen the grass roots development of public security work.

VI. Further Strengthen and Improve the Public Security Team

First, further enhance the efforts in education and training. For next year, focus on doing a good job in running the three training classes for directors of municipal police stations, political directors of provincial and municipal public security authorities, and leaders of provincial and municipal information departments of the public security authorities. The provincial and municipal public security authorities shall give extensive training to all grass roots level police station chiefs.

Second, further intensify supervision and management.

Third, further increase benefits to police officers.

The state security authorities’ “people’s defense” and the “610” Office’s task arrangements will be covered in another meeting.

Endnotes:
[1] Source: Chinascope.
[2] The “Grand Intelligence” information system is a system shared by all police and public security personnel throughout China.
[3]The “Three Basics” project refers to:
Focus on the basic level of police forces, improve the basic infrastructure of the police work, and train every policeman in basic skills.
“Three Developments” refers to:
Development of information technology in the public security system; development of standard law enforcement procedures; development of a harmonious relationship between the police and the public.

Analyzing the changing and developing environment is a basic premise of research on and finding solutions for all the contemporary issues the Chinese military faces. From now into the near future, under both domestic and international forces, the Chinese military is at a special period defined by four stages.

(A) A stage in which the military faces the challenge of transformation
     
At the beginning of the 21st century, the new military transformation gradually entered into a phase of qualitative change. Under its impact, international competition has become more intense in the military field; major countries around the world further have accelerated the pace of military transformation. In a struggle for world hegemony and a full range of military superiority, the U.S. has accelerated its implementation of the global military strategic adjustment and military transformation. Russia has also speeded up its military reform in recent years, with significant success in modernizing weaponry and professionalizing the armed forces. Britain, France, Germany and neighboring countries, including India, Japan, and South Korea have also adopted an array of new measures in the military. Driven by the new global military revolution, the modern military will continue to change in weaponry, combat models, organizational structure, and military theory. Information technology weapons will become a key factor in combat capability; new weapons will be developed at an accelerating speed; medium-to-long-range precision strikes will increasingly show the military’s power; non-linear, non-contact combat will become the main operational mode; the combat field will be multi-dimensional with land, sea, air and the electromagnetic field, with integrated joint operations becoming the basic form of combat; “network-centric warfare” and other new combat theories will gradually be applied to real combat, shaping the information warfare. Light, multi-functional, modular, intelligent forces are paving the way for future development, and an informationalized armed forces is entering the stage.

With the deepening of the new military transformation, the imbalance of global strategic forces will be intensified. In human history, the advantage of Western countries’ guns and cannons over swords and spears in Asian, African and Latin American countries has turned into that of Western countries’ information technology over the developing countries’ mechanized and semi-mechanized technology. This torrent of global military transformation poses a serious challenge to the Chinese army. To avoid the tragedy of swords and spears against guns and cannons, China must continue to accelerate the pace of its military transformation.

(B) A stage of broadened strategic missions

Eying the new historic conditions and new epochal requirements, Comrade Hu Jintao has proposed the military’s historic mission for the new century and new stage: “To provide solid assurance for the CCP to strengthen its ruling position, to provide a strong security guarantee for national development in this important strategic period, to provide strategic support for the expansion of national interests, and to safeguard world peace and play an important role in promoting joint development.”

In the new stage and the new century, the meaning and scope of China’s national security is continuously expanding, gradually from the “security of national sovereignty” to the “security of national interests,” from “three-dimensional space security” to “multi-dimensional space security,” from the traditional security field to political security, systemic security, economic security, science and technological security, social security, cultural security, information security, ideological security, military security and many other arenas. Generally speaking, China is endowed with a good environment and conditions for peaceful development; however national security issues are becoming more comprehensive, complex and volatile in nature. Many threats are intertwined:  traditional security threats and non-traditional security threats, realistic threats and potential threats, military security forms and other security forms, domestic security issues and international security issues, which together constitute the overall situation of China’s national security. In such a complex security situation, military security is in a particularly important position. The missions and tasks of the military must evolve with the development of the country, and extend with the expansion of the national strategic interests.

(C) A stage of complicated environment for military buildup

China’s military forces are operating in China’s overall environment. The contemporary social reform has entered into a crucial phase, characterized by the “restlessness of modernization.” During this period, some deep conflicts that accumulated during the reform and opening up are prominent. Various ideologies and cultures clash; all kinds of social conflicts interact; industrial structures rapidly adjust; the social fabric dramatically changes; the gap between rich and poor further widens; and unstable factors in society increase. Compared with other developed countries, China is unique because social transformation and institutional transition started at the same time. Economic, social, political, cultural, and ecological conflicts are intertwined and complicated, making China a typical high-risk society. … Revolution in military affairs is not taking place in a vacuum, but rather in a complex social environment. All kinds of unhealthy social thoughts and trends will inevitably be reflected in the military sphere to varying degrees. In addition, the outside hostile forces view the army as a great barrier to its strategic schemes to “westernize” or “divide” China. They advocate “separating the military and the party,” “depoliticizing the army,” and “nationalization of the military.” In essence, they attempt to corrupt our military forces ideologically and politically, and to separate our army from the party’s leadership, in order to subvert our country’s socialist system and the Communist Party’s ruling status. The above factors indicate that we are in a stage of complicated environment for military buildup.

(D) A stage of looming internal conflicts

In response to the serious challenge of the global military transformation, China initiated military reform with Chinese characteristics on a relatively weak foundation. Chinese military forces entered a time of major restructuring, showing conflicts and characteristics inherent to a typical transformation period, which can be summarized as follows: the old system is broken; the new system has not yet formed; weapons and equipment, operational theory, personnel structure, organizational structure, and education and training are all undergoing a major transition. Both old and new conflicts are intertwined; deep-rooted problems have surfaced; many have emerged and the emerging issues must be resolved; foreseeable or unforeseeable problems may occur at any time; and the task of reform or change is very heavy and arduous. Specifically speaking, the contemporary Chinese military is facing a series of conflicts and complex problems: conflict between backward scientific and technological personnel and weapons and equipment of a modern level, between the current military system and future development, between the military policy and developing a socialist market economy, and between the military’s capabilities and its mission. It is the Chinese military’s historic task to effectively solve a series of conflicts within the army buildup.
 
The above-mentioned “four stages” are intertwined, influencing and constraining each other. They constitute the coordinators of the new era for China’s military forces. In such a coordinated system, the contemporary Chinese military inevitably faces three complex strategic relationships.

(1) The coincidence of “double transformation”: military transformation and social change
 
The interaction of military transformation and social transition is an important “Chinese characteristic” that differentiates China from other countries, especially Western countries, China thus faces extremely complex issues that Western countries never faced. The military transformation in U.S.-led Western countries was carried out in a quite mature market economy and stable social environment, with the social risks associated with a period of the “restlessness of modernization” nonexistent. There was no significant conflict between military transformation and socio-economic transition; the transformation in these countries’ military field was “a single change.” In contrast, China’s military transformation is carried out in the macro environment of social changes, conflicts during military transformation, and conflicts during socio-economic transition interacting with each other. The nation is experiencing a “double transformation” in both the military field and the social system. In particular, the immature economic environment and unstable social environment during this period will inevitably have China’s military transformation facing a number of conflicts and issues that Western countries never encountered.

(2) The coexistence of the “dual task” of mechanization development and information technology buildup

From the perspective of China’s own military development under the current situation, the core issue to be solved is the modernization of China’s military. Modernization is a dynamic development concept, with different special implications in different time periods. The most essential feature of the current military modernization is information technology modernization, which is the strategic objective that militaries from all over the world strive to achieve during the global trend of military transformation. In the West, and in particular the U. S., its military transformation towards information technology modernization is taking place after its military has achieved a high degree of mechanization. Therefore, the U.S military only faces a “single task” of how to modernize the information technology. By contrast, China’s military hasn’t finished the mechanization part, but needs to move towards information technology modernization at the same time. Therefore, China’s military inevitably faces problems of “dual buildup.” This is one of most important features that China’s military has to face at the initial stage of transformation. It is a major problem that cannot be avoided by China’s military during its development.

(3) The “dual capacity” of winning wars and carrying out non-war military operations
 
The ability to win a war is an army’s core military capability, which is determined by the nature of the army’s functions. The top priority of the Chinese army’s buildup is to be able to win a war at all times. However, beginning from the 1990s, non-traditional security threats have increased significantly. They have become a major security threat to human society, and thus have raised new demands on the army’s military capabilities. Normally speaking, the concept of non-traditional security threats is in relation to traditional threats, which mainly refer to threats of war breakouts that a nation, an ethnic group, or a political group face, or even that the international community faces. Non-traditional security threats are threats, other than a war or a military threat, that any sovereign state and human society face for its survival and development. They include  threats involving institutional security, terrorism, major natural disasters, the outbreak of contagious diseases, economic and financial security, ecological security, energy and resource security, culture and information security, smuggling and drug trafficking, transnational crimes, and illegal immigration. Many of these threats are within the scope of or related to military operations. The military faces a series of new operation modes, including operations of anti-terrorism, maintaining stability, peacekeeping, disaster rescue, border control, protection of public transportation, international aid, evacuation and protection for overseas citizens, information support, and international joint military exercises. Thus, non-war military capability is an important parameter to measure the military’s capacity to deal with non-traditional security threats.

In the crisscross of history and reality, China’s military faces a series of complex strategic issues, which can be summarized in three topics.

(1) Scientifically coordinate both the military transformation and social transition, coordinate the reform and development of elements within military system against the background that both national economic and defense development have entered into a crucial stage.

In the current society, the army must face a reality: at the historic stage of social transition, the revolution in the military cannot exceed the range of what is allowed by the extent of social changes, and cannot cause any political or social instability. In this sense, tackling China’s military needs is no longer determined by the military’s own situation. Whether a number of major military policies can be timely issued is more dependent upon what is tolerated by the social transitions, especially the transitions at the current crucial stage. From the national level point of view, when important reforms are taking place in several major areas, how to handle the relationship between military transformation and social transition, so as to match the reforms in political, economic, and other areas, is an important issue that has to be resolved during China’s overall development and progress. If these problems cannot be correctly resolved, the process of national development and military buildup will both be seriously affected.
 
 At the same time, it’s necessary to scientifically coordinate various elements within the army system. Military buildup includes quite rich contents, the major issues being the development of four elements (weapons and equipment, military personnel, organizational structure, and combat theories). With the rise of the nation’s comprehensive power, and science and technology level, the army’s weapons and equipment have made a leap forward. However, it is worth noting that our armed forces may suffer losses or lead to historic tragedies in future operations by only focusing on the weapons and equipment while neglecting other aspects, or by not coordinating well with other factors. . . . Therefore, from a historic and practical point of view, being guided by the Concept of Scientific Development and comprehensively coordinating the development of the four elements is the basis for deepening military reform elements.
 
(2) The improvement of the armed forces’ capabilities to win the information warfare, and to carry out non-war operations against the background that the world’s military revolution is experiencing rapid development. National security is under multidimensional threats.

The ability to win wars and other military abilities are components of our military’s capacity to carry out diversified military tasks. Experience has proved that the ability to win the war is the basis of other military capabilities. Conversely, other military capabilities help empower the capacity to win the war. However, there are three main differences between the two. First, the objectives are different: the ability to win wars directly serves the purpose of war, and responding to traditional security threats, while other military capabilities serve other operations, mainly responding to non-traditional security threats. Secondly, the content is different: the core military capability buildup and other military capacity buildup are different in theoretical research, commanding system, strength buildup, organizational structure, equipment, and laws and regulations. Thirdly, requirements are different: under normal times, there are signs when a war is about to break out and opportunities for the military to prepare, while non-war military operations deal with sudden and emergent situations, focusing on the preparation on a daily basis and a quick response to emergencies.

The connection and contrast of the two military capacities requires that China’s armed forces must coordinate well between developing the capacity to win a war and the capacity to carry out other military tasks. Non-war military, based on being able to win a war, has its own special laws to follow, including theories, human resources, equipment, and combat tactics. It is necessary to highly emphasize researching the specialties of non-war military capacities due to its particular focus, policy, and profession. At the same time, one needs to avoid prioritizing the non-war military capacities to an improper level. Our military must deal with a variety of security threats, the primary being invasion, subversion, or secession. In other words, the traditional security threats are still major factors affecting national security and development. Overemphasis of the importance of non-war capacities and playing down war preparations may cause damage and irreparable loss to our nation and military forces.

(3) Ensure that our military is under the party’s command and at the service of the people, against the background of ever-deepening reform and opening up
 
First, insist on equipping the whole army with party’s innovative theory. Our army is a people’s army that is under the party’s absolute leadership, and under the party’s banner. It is our army’s infrastructure and long term strategic task to consistently equip the army with theory, to help officers and soldiers strengthen their ideals and beliefs, and to forge a strong spiritual backbone for our army, for the purpose of maintaining a firm and correct political direction for the advanced nature of the army.
 
Secondly, always put the ideological and political work as the top priority. Under the new circumstance, the social environment and conditions to carry out the ideological and political work have gone through profound changes, with the work’s areas, targets, and tasks being very different from before. The new situation thus requires to continue exploring and grasping the laws in the ideological and political work that fit the new age, and to do the job with more relevance, effectiveness, and initiative, so as to maximize its service to the army.
 
Thirdly, unswervingly adhere to the party’s leadership of the army and a series of fundamental systems. The highest military leadership and command orders come from the Central Committee of the Chinese Community Party and the Central Military Commission; the party committees at different levels within the military should adhere to the organizational principle of Democratic Centralism; (army units) should implement a unified collective leadership under the party committees; units above the regiment level should establish a political commissar and political organs; each company should have its own party branch. These elements constitute a rigorous, scientific, and integrated system to achieve the party’s integration with the military structure, implement the integration of the party’s leadership and the military’s administrative leadership, and provide a solid organizational assurance for the party to exercise it absolute leadership over the armed forces.

Endnote:
[1] Study Times, October 26, 2009
http://www.studytimes.com.cn/WebPage/ny1.aspx?act=0&id=3008&bid=7