Report - 26. page

{Editor’s Note: In June 2006, Beijing released an eight-episode TV documentary series: Preparing For Danger In Times Of Safety – Historic Lessons Learned from the Demise of Soviet Communism. It was a research project conducted by the government think tank, the Chinese Academy of Social Science. Afterwards, the Chinese Communist Party instructed party members across the nation to watch the series and launch serious discussions. The script of the prelude of the documentary quotes Hu Jintao’s words, “There are multiple factors contributing to the disintegration of the Soviet Union, a very important one being Khrushchev throwing away Stalin’s knife and Gorbachev’s open betrayal of Marxism-Leninism.” The full text of the narratives has been translated. What follows is the eighth episode.}

Continue reading →

How the Chinese Air Force Ranks at the End of the Second Tier in the World

Moderator: First question, what is our Air Force’s position among the countries with strong air forces in the world? Compared to the United States and other developed countries, what are the gaps? About how long will it take in the future (for the Chinese Air Force) to be able to equal the U.S. Air Force?

Dai Xu: First, our Air Force’s position among the air forces in the world: Among the countries with great and strong air forces, we are basically between the second tier and the third. There is only one country in the first tier; obviously it is the United States. A country’s air force power represents its overall power. Whatever kind of power a nation has, it has that kind of air force. European countries and Russia belong to the second tier; Brazil and India belong to the third tier. We are now in between the second and third tier, at the end of the second tier and at the front of the third tier.

Second, our gaps with the United States and other developed countries: There is a big gap with the second tier, and an even a larger gap with the first tier, the United States. This is mainly reflected in several aspects. The first is the gap in the overall air force shapes and systems. The United States (Air Force) has a considerable amount of space elements and it is one body with space and air. Air forces in European countries and the Russian Air Force are partially one body with space and air. And we only just established the ideology for such a concept. The gap is here, the overall shape and system gap. We are two to three decades behind the United States. It would take us eight to ten years to equip ourselves.  From starting to equip to having combat capabilities, to forming a mass scale, it would still take a long period of time, so in general it should be 20 to 30 years. It is probably such a long time gap.

… I think that when our national industrial strength and technological power match that of the United States, our Air Force will match its (Air Force). When we have our own aviation industry, like Boeing, we can expect to own something such as the F22 that the United States has.

Moderator: The second question, Teacher Dai Xu, you have proposed that the Chinese Air Force should have the ability to intercept the enemy 4,000 kilometers away. Do you think we now have this capability? In other words, is the Chinese Air Force capable of defending China’s territorial airspace from invasion? Which parts need to be improved?

Dai Xu: In the Global Times and other series of media, I proposed that the new Chinese Air Force in the future should be able to conduct a war of interception 4,000 kilometers away from our shoreline. This is considered based on the national geographic situation and economic layout. Coastal areas account for only 10% of our country (territory), but produce 70% of our country’s GDP. That is, our country’s economic center and lifeblood are in the coastal areas. But we do not have an in depth defense that makes our coastal areas safe enough. Because our country has pursued a non-aligned foreign policy, we do not have any naval or air bases abroad, and therefore cannot provide our coastal defense from a wide range and great depth. We do not have any aircraft carriers, or any diving defense, so the Air Force must have a remote deterrence. … So I think that a war should not happen in our airspace and territory, because of our cities, and because our coastal zones cannot afford a war. War may happen in the public space, or over the invader’s land or airspace, but must not break out on our soil.

As to the second question, we currently do not have the ability. The Air Force’s future ability that I propose refers to the plane dimension. We also need three-dimensional vertical defense capabilities. Contemporary air forces in a lot of big countries already have the capacity to wage war from space. We advocate peaceful use of space. But we should also have the capability of anti-space warfare, just as we oppose the use of nuclear weapons, but possess nuclear weapons. … The Chinese Air Force can now defend our airspace, but must never engage war in our airspace. We pursue a defensive policy and we are not going to invade any country. However, we must not allow a war to come closer to us. … There is a need to enhance our capacities; one is to strengthen the development of our entire system. We should enhance our long-range strike capability in the vertical direction and with planes.

Moderator: Regarding the air force aircraft engine. We all know that the most advanced Taihang engines have appeared in the picture. Teacher Dai Xu, please introduce the Taihang engine and its significance to our Internet readers.

Dai Xu: In the aviation industry, the engine has always been our worry and also a heart disease for our Air Force. So far, our own people have not developed the engines of our main fighters, and we do not have a single self-developed engine. So this is the direction the Air Force as well as our aviation industry have been working toward. For the time being, we are vigorously doing research and development, and are vigorously catching up. However, by now, this technology cannot be said to be fully mature. It still cannot completely replace the imported ones and some features still need to be further improved. But I believe, with the development of our future aviation industry, we will definitely have our own engines, not only the fighter’s engine, but also large aircraft engines.

Moderator: The Taiwan Air Force is used to claim that it has a quality advantage compared to the mainland. Although cross-strait relations are at ease, the mainland Air Force is undoubtedly the imaginary enemy for the Taiwan Air Force. How do you compare the cross-strait air forces?

Dai Xu: I think we should not focus our energy on the other side of the Strait. The Taiwan issue is a very complex and comprehensive problem. To resolve the Taiwan issue requires superb strategic wisdom, and we should not stare at Taiwan. … We should not limit our development goals and strategic vision to the limited number of specific issues at hand. So I recommend that our vision should jump out of the Taiwan Strait. Look at the world, and pay attention to the world.

Moderator: What kind of concept is the so-called strategic air force? What does it refer to? We have repeatedly proposed to have the Air Force become a strategic air force? Why do we think this way? What is the purpose?

Dai Xu: The so-called strategic air force I understand is to look at the Air Force from the height of our national strategy, rather than to understand the meaning of the Air Force from the military services. The strategic Air Force is to position the Air Force from the height of world war. That is that the Air Force is no longer the Air Force of a type of military service. The so-called military service means that the Air Force is to support the army and navy operations, or accomplish the fight alone. That limits its space within the war. In fact the strategic Air Force should be on national grand strategy to a high degree. That is, the Air Force also involves the country’s relief operations in peacetime, a number of humanitarian relief operations, some anti-terrorism activities, new missions, and other concerns.

It can also play a strategic deterrence capability, which positions the Air Force from the height of our national strategy, instead of understanding the Air Force as a type of military service. Why do we propose a strategic air force at this stage? It mainly considers the current situation of the Air Force. Since our country’s industry and technology have fallen behind and the homeland defense strategy has been implemented for many years, the Air Force’s development has been greatly affected and has basically been a homeland defense type of Air Force, which is different from the nature of the world’s air forces. Therefore, based on this reality and the country’s needs, not only must the Air Force change its equipment, but it must also reconstruct its theory and strategic thinking. So this is one of the reasons why we have recently proposed to build a strategic air force. Its purpose is to enable us to understand the Air Force’s natural attributes ideologically, recognize the security challenges that our country faces, and understand the Air Force’s mission in the future of our national security and development. (Let’s) do our best to use out thoughts, actions and equipment to build a space-air-one-body air force with offensive and defensive capabilities.

Endnote:
[1] http://mil.huanqiu.com/aero_space/2009-11/630757.html

For a long time, Japan has been the second largest external interference factor on the Taiwan issue, next to the United States. Now due to significant changes in a number of factors, Japan’s influence on the Taiwan issue has already begun, and will continue to weaken. The emergence and development of this trend will help reduce Japan’s interference on the Taiwan issue, and thus, in turn, will help Sino-Japanese relations toward a healthy and sustainable direction.

"The Japan-Taiwan relationship" is the basis of Japan’s influence on the Taiwan issue. Since Ma Ying-jeou took the presidency in May 2008, the Japan-Taiwan relationship has undergone the most significant changes in the past decades. The change may even be a turning point. In September 1972, China and Japan established diplomatic relations, while Japan and Taiwan terminated diplomatic ties; this was a turning point in the Japan-Taiwan relationship. However, this turning point might not be as significant and profound as the changes that occurred after May 2008. It is well known that, since Chiang Kai-shek and his son retreated to Taiwan in 1949, the Japan-Taiwan relationship has always been very close. Although Japan, unlike the United States, never publicly protected and supported Taiwan, Japan and the Taiwan authorities kept quiet but close military, political, economic, and cultural contacts over the years. Japan also had close contact with people of all circles in Taiwan. During the two decades when Lee Teng-hui and Chen Shui-bian were presidents, the Japan-Taiwan relationship was in some ways even closer than the relationship between Taiwan and the United States.

However, the post May 2008 Japan-Taiwan relationship has been very different. In the past more than a year, although Ma Ying-jeou has repeatedly proclaimed that he valued the importance of the Japan-Taiwan relationship, and that Japan and Taiwan have a "special partnership," the fact is that the Japan-Taiwan relationship has materially declined. The most important facts are: the Japan and Taiwan conflict worsened over the Senkaku Islands issue; the Japanese Representative in Taiwan openly declared that "Taiwan’s status is undetermined," which caused strong opposition from Ma Ying-jeou; Taiwan strongly opposed Japan’s dispatch of Self Defense Forces stationed in Yonaguni Island. It is clear that the Japanese government strongly distrusts Ma Ying-jeou and has taken repeated measures to pressure him, while Ma Ying-jeou has repeatedly responded strongly. This indicates that the Japan-Taiwan relationship has seriously declined, reaching the lowest level since 1949.

It is widely believed that Ma Ying-jeou’s "anti-Japanese" attitude led to the serious decline of the relationship. Ma Ying-jeou is the leader of the Taiwan region. His philosophy and position will significantly influence Taiwan’s policies. However, the major and profound change in the Japan-Taiwan relationship is obviously due not only to the change of leadership in Taiwan, or to their individual ideas, positions and policies. The turning-point change in the Japan-Taiwan relationship is the result of a number of combined factors. Ma Ying-jeou’s taking office accelerated and amplified the changes.

From Taiwan’s perspective, while there may have been some "historical connections" between Japan and Lee Teng-hui, there was only pure mutual interest between Chen Shui-bian and Japan. The interest based relationship between Chen Shui-bian and Japan was extremely unequal. Japan fully regards Taiwan as a bargaining chip in its policy toward China, while Chen Shui-bian tried to use Japan as another external protector and supporter for his "Taiwan independence" and separatism. Therefore, during the eight years when Chen Shui-bian was in office, the "Japan-Taiwan relationship" seemed to be "close," but actually it was Chen Shui-bian that was groveling and pleasing Japan at the expense of Taiwan’s core interests. After eight years of Chen Shui-bian’s presidency, the Japan-Taiwan relationship had become a model that Taiwan was totally dependent on Japan’s interests and policies. After Ma Ying-jeou took office, in fact, he has not had any anti-Japanese attitude or policy, but instead has been trying to more effectively protect Taiwan’s interests in the Japan-Taiwan relationship.

In the future, if Ma Ying-jeou and other KMT members continue to "govern," the Japan-Taiwan relationship will definitely not return to the situation of the past two decades. However, if Japan changes its tough measures toward Taiwan, the Japan-Taiwan relationship will ease and improve. The ruling of the Democratic Party in Japan provides a realistic possibility. If the Democratic Progressive Party (DDP) again took office in Taiwan, it is still uncertain whether it would repeat Chen Shui-bian’s policy in the Japan-Taiwan relationship. We must point out that Chen Shui-bian’s pro-Japan policy is part of the "Taiwan independence" policy. If the DPP continues its "Taiwan independence" policy, it is bound to be pro-Japan, and they will certainly end up having the same fate as Chen Shui-bian.

Japan’s ability to intervene and interfere with the Taiwan issue is the main driver behind Japan’s influence on the Taiwan issue. The greater the ability is, the greater its impact on Taiwan, and vice versa. Fundamentally and in the long run, Japan’s ability to intervene and interfere with the Taiwan issue depends on the Sino-Japanese comprehensive national power, and the rise and fall of the two nations.

Over the sixty years since 1949, Japan’s ability to intervene and interfere with the Taiwan issue, has experienced a process of going from weak to strong, and from strong to weak. In fact, this is precisely the change in Japan’s impact on Taiwan. In the 1950s and 1960s, the Japan-Taiwan relationship was very close. Japan was a strong supporter of Taiwan, second only to the U.S. However, Japan’s ability to intervene and interfere with the Taiwan issue was not outstanding. First of all, Japan had not yet completely come out of the shadow of being a defeated country. Not only was its ability to interfere with the Taiwan issue limited, but it was also hard for Japan to publicly conduct many activities. For example, Japan could only send military advisors to Taiwan in a secret and unofficial way. Second, at that time Japan was totally affiliated with the United States politically, militarily and diplomatically. Without its own independent policy, Japan completely followed the United States on the Taiwan issue. These two factors determined that Japan didn’t have outstanding abilities to intervene and interfere with the Taiwan issue at the time.

During the seventies and eighties of the last century, due to the establishment of Sino-Japanese diplomatic relations and subsequent significant improvement of the relationship, Japan’s interference with Taiwan was generally measured and limited, albeit never discontinued. As a result, its intervention and interference did not come under the spotlight.

The important changes started in the mid-nineties of the last century, and continued to May 2008. Since the end of the Cold War, Japan has regarded China as its main competitor for dominance in Asia. The Taiwan issue has become one of its key strategic tools to contain China. This led to an unprecedented, strong attempt to intervene and interfere with the Taiwan issue by investing increased resources. Since the Cold War, U.S. policy toward China has been constantly adjusted between two ends. Japan thus attempted to take advantage of the inconsistency in the U.S.’s China policy to up its intervention and interference in the Taiwan issue, in order to achieve a strategic advantage over China. One of the important manifestations was trying to include Taiwan and the Taiwan Strait into the scope of the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security between the United States and Japan. Because the anti-"Taiwan independence" and anti-separatist struggles intensified cross-strait relations for a long period, the room for Japan to intervene and interfere with the Taiwan issue expanded. Thus the relationship between Japan and Taiwan became close again, with the former’s influence in Taiwan significantly enhanced. These changes have led to clearly stronger abilities for Japan to intervene and interfere with the Taiwan issue than during the fifties or sixties of the last century.

We believe that Japan’s ability to intervene and interfere with Taiwan is decreasing. This is the inevitable result of the long-term and determinant factor that China has a comparatively stronger comprehensive national power. Although starting from the late last century, China had an advantage in comprehensive national power over Japan, it was not prominent due to Japan’s being ahead of China in the economy, science, and technology. This was the deep-seated cause behind Japan’s increased intervention and interference in the Taiwan issue. Entering into the 21st century, as China’s economy, science, and technology have maintained a fast development momentum since 1978, China’s total GDP is close to Japan’s, and will possibly exceed Japan. Therefore, comparing their comprehensive national powers, China already has an obvious and ever enlarging advantage over Japan. As a result, enhancing Sino-Japanese mutual trust and developing Sino-Japanese friendship and cooperation is bound to be a focus of Japan’s external strategies and policies. Reducing and avoiding the negative impact of the Taiwan issue in the Sino-Japanese relationship will inevitably be Japan’s Democratic Party’s policy toward China and Taiwan. It can be expected in the future for quite a long period of time, that, although Japan will not completely stop intervening and interfering with the Taiwan issue, its intensity will be substantially reduced. Correspondingly, Japan’s ability to intervene and interfere with the Taiwan issue will also show a weakening trend.

Some Japanese have attempted to make a "deal" with China, using the Taiwan issue in the Sino-Japanese relationship. They seem to recognize the importance of the Taiwan issue, but actually do not understand the sensitivity of the Taiwan issue in the Sino-Japanese relationship. China will never make any "deal" with Japan on the Taiwan issue. Currently and in the future, Japan’s weakened influence on the Taiwan issue is obviously beneficial to the improvement and development of the Sino-Japanese relationship.

The fact that Japan’s influence on the Taiwan issue has weakened will prompt people to calmly and clearly realize that, as external disturbance factors, the impact on the Taiwan issue from Japan, and from the United States, is not only limited, but also will entirely possibly be weaker.  Therefore, no matter under what circumstances, we should not over emphasize these external factors. The most important thing is, in any case, that we must enhance our comprehensive national power, and focus on the formulation and implementation of correct and mature Taiwan policies and strategies.

Endnote:
[1] Global Times, November 22, 2009
http://taiwan.huanqiu.com/opinion/2009-11/639334.html

The international financial crisis triggered a rethinking of capitalism. The non-western developmental model has received attention. The left wing forces have manifested vitality during the crisis. The world socialist movement is facing a new opportunity. On the other hand, the left wing’s “right to speak” has been stifled. Some left-wing political parties find it hard for their ideologies and operational capacity to cope with the new situation. The world socialist movement is facing a major challenge.

The international financial crisis has had a profound impact on the current and future international political and economic structure and on socio-political ideas, prompting a new round of growth and decline of the world forces. The world socialist movement is facing a new opportunity for development and a new challenge.

The Opportunity

The new liberalism has lost its previous aura. The ruling parties in the world’s governments are adjusting their developmental ideologies. The socialist moral values are receiving renewed attention. After the dramatic changes in the former Soviet Union and the Eastern Europe countries, the new liberalism’s economic policies’ disadvantages have failed to achieve widespread prosperity and have instead been exposed. People are reflecting upon capitalism and paying attention to socialist values. While the superiority of and confidence in capitalism have been suffering setbacks, socialism is gaining the upper hand in terms of ideology and morality. Some politicians and scholars in capitalist countries think that the financial crisis highlights the importance and necessity of reform and the upgrade of capitalism. They advocate a combination of multi-systems and multi-targets in capitalism. They hope to reform capitalism using political, financial, legal, and ideological approaches. The thinking and exploration into developmental models in the international community has not only stimulated the enthusiasm of the left-wing to pursue socialism, but has also forced many countries to adopt more government intervention and to increase social security. The shift in international opinion and the measures to cope with the crisis have, once again, proved the rationality of socialism, enhanced the attractiveness of socialist theories, and provided a good ideological and public opinion environment for the development of the world socialist movement.

Throughout the financial crisis, the communist parties have reinforced the faith in socialism and adopted corresponding measures to speed up its development. For non-ruling communist parties, the international financial crisis has created a beneficial social environment. Many Communist parties have advocated their policies through the use of rallies, parades, and open statements. The French Communist Party called on all party members to “gather all forces to cope with the crisis and build up a new world,” to initiate a series of activities such as “protecting public schools,” “opposing the government’s manipulation and support of the privatization of the post offices,” etc. It proposed that the government stop providing financial support to speculators, reduce unemployment, fight for housing rights, and improve purchase power. The left-wing party in Europe in its 2nd Congress put forward the “New Policy”, in contrast to the new liberalism, calling for a strengthened alliance and coordination among the left-wing parties in Europe, including the communist parties. The goal was to change the current situation in Europe through uniting with other social movements such as the labor unions in Europe, achieving their replacement by the left-wing. The alliance of left-wing parties at the regional and international levels will not only enhance their ideological communication, but also maintain cooperation and mutual support in operations, strengthening the left-wing as a whole body. Overall, the majority of the communist parties are grasping this rare opportunity, uniting with all kinds of new anti-capitalist social movements, and proactively engaging in activities to continuously advance the world socialist movement.

Recently, a few communist and socialist parties have been emphasizing their characteristics by showing a trend toward “returning” or “turning left.” To curb the momentum of their waning influence, some communist and socialist parties have been reflecting upon and readjusting their policies. In recent years, the communist party in South Africa has advocated for independence (from the government) on policies and has emphasized the characteristics of the communist party. On development strategies, it asked for more radical policies to protect the interests of the poor, giving equality a higher priority. In a multi-party system, the social democratic parties still belong to the left-wing camp. After the onset of the financial crisis, the socialist parties took advantage of the people’s feeling of dissatisfaction to attack the right-wing government, declaring, “Save free-market capitalism using social democracy,” and “Return to social democracy.” To regain power, some socialist parties, one by one, have grasped the current advantageous opportunity to engage in a good battle with the right-wing. The European socialist party again raised the flag of “Socialist Europe” that was once coldly received as the “New Keynesianism.” It proposed the “European Economic Management Model” which advocates a balanced development of the economy, society, and the environment. Most socialist parties have reflected on their economic and social reforms, and have put more emphasis on policies such as government intervention, the development of small and medium sized businesses, improving people’s livelihood, and ensuring labor rights. The French socialist party has crafted a directive policy document for 2008-2011. It strongly supports protecting the right to work for the working class, raises a new development model, and formulates a practical policy based on the left-wing standpoint.

Those in the Latin American left-wing forces have improved their political environment and consolidated their ruling position. With the background of the international financial crisis, the Obama administration expressed friendship toward them during the Summit of the Americas, relaxed the sanctions against Cuba, and improved the relationship with Chavez. These moves are conducive to further establishing the political environment of the leftist forces in Latin America, and are especially reflected in the fact that some left-wing parties won in recent elections and continue to be the ruling party. Their domestic political status was further stabilized, and the structure of “strong left and weak right” was further enhanced. Socialism has become an ideal goal for many countries in Latin America.

Because of China’s development and its outstanding performance during this crisis, many countries are attracted by and paying great attention to “the China model.” Through reform and opening up, socialist countries will win advantages comparable to the capitalist countries and become more attractive. Deng Xiaoping once said that “as long as China does not fall, a fifth of the world’s population will adhere to socialism.” “When China becomes stable and realizes its goals of development, socialism will manifest it advantages.” The success of socialism with Chinese characteristics and the development and growth of the socialist countries during the reform and opening up will contribute to the revival and development of world socialism. It also shows that the history of socialism will not terminate.

Challenges

The ruling right-wing parties in western countries have taken advantage of the opportunities of coping with the crisis and continuously suppressed the left wing’s voice and activity space. After the onset of the financial crisis, the developed capitalist countries, such as the U.S., U.K., and France, adopted measures different from previous governance rationale by enhancing financial supervision and enhancing the government’s interference in the economy. The ruling right-wing parties now consider the policies that the left-wing parties promoted in the past to be effective medicine. When facing the crisis, the left-wing was even at a loss for words and could not propose better methods to cope with the crisis. To show that they are different from the right-wing, some left-wing parties have advocated radical ideologies. Their extremist left-wing opinions are not at all practical, and the majority can hardly accept them. Because the traditional left-wing vocal advantage cannot function when the right-wing loudly voices their ideas, the activity space for the left-wing will surely be suppressed. The ruling left-wing parties face the major issue of maintaining stable economic development, while also realizing social equity and equality. These are hard to resolve within a short period of time.

There are many conflicts and problems in the left-wing parties. After the drastic changes in the former Soviet Union and the Eastern European countries, some Communist parties moved toward social democracy in their theories and policies, under the banner of reform, so as to distance themselves from the color of the communist party. Some of them bowed to the major ruling party in order to maintain their status while participating in administrative affairs. They do not have a clear standing and have become attached to the major ruling party. This short-sighted behavior finally cost them their traditional supporters. Due to the lack of support, their decline is inevitable. The abandonment of democratic centralism in many Communist parties has resulted in a loose organization in which multiple fractions fight with each other endlessly and do not have the power to fight with others. The promotion of ideological pluralism has caused differences and disagreements inside the party, ever changing policies, and inadequate theoretical preparations. The majority of the party members are not clear about the direction and gist of the party and do not know which way to follow. Some parties have rigid thoughts and hold an incomplete picture of the financial crisis and capitalism. Their extreme behavior has also interfered with the healthy development of the left-wing forces. Traditional conflicts and new problems are challenging the resilience of the left-wing parties. The lag in subjective conditions will be a major obstacle to the future development of world socialism.

There are still very strong anti-communist and anti-socialist forces in the international community. The situation of “strong capitalism and weak socialism” still prevails. Although the international financial crisis had a severe impact on capitalism, the capitalist system and the existing world structure will not dissolve as a result. The powerful status of capitalism will not change within a short time frame. At the beginning of the 21st century, although the left-wing forces in some countries have become stronger, overall, international socialism is still at a disadvantage. The U.S. and other western countries will not live with the fact that the communist and other left-wing forces have become stronger. They will not change their hostility and suppressive policies toward socialist countries. At present, under the leadership of the U.S., the western countries are speeding up global democratic reform and frequently promote “color revolution” in countries that lean toward the left. With the advancement of modern technology, the Internet and cell phones have become indispensable tools for daily life. The fast spread and magnifying effect of the Internet has made the “color revolution” digital and instant. That poses a new threat and challenge to the governance security of the left-wing parties. From now on, the left-wing forces will still be suppressed by all sorts of western forces. The world socialist movement will make its headway in a harsh environment.

Endnote:
[1] Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, October 22, 2009
http://www.cass.net.cn/file/20091022243944.html

I.  The main reason and the great significance of building a learning-oriented Marxist political Party
 
First, building a learning-oriented Marxist political Party is the essential requirement to maintain the CCP’s vanguard nature in theory and practice. … The vanguard nature in both theory and practice is the most distinctive nature that differentiates a Marxist political Party from all other political parties. The CCP should always adhere to Marxism as the fundamental guiding ideology, as the spiritual symbol that keeps our Party unified and moving forward, and as the powerful ideological weapon that transforms the objective and subjective world. In order to maintain and develop the Party’s vanguard nature in theory, we must focus on learning and be good at learning. This is because Marxism was generated based on critique and absorbing all existing human knowledge. It has been enriched and has developed with the times, with practice and with science. It is by far the most advanced theoretical system developed by human beings. … We must always lead China’s development progress, work hard to master and apply all scientific ideas, new knowledge, and new experiences, and strive to become a learning-oriented political Party.

Second, building a learning-oriented Marxist political Party is an inevitable requirement to inherit and carry forward the Party’s fine traditions and political advantages in the new historic conditions. Such a requirement has a sufficient historical basis. The Communist Party of China has always attached importance to learning and been good at learning. The Party history of leading the Chinese revolution, development and reform is a creative learning history. … In the past 88 years, our Party has always had a strong vitality. The cause of the Party’s leadership has been able to continue to achieve new success. The fundamental reason is that we have the advanced theoretical guidance of Marxism, and we continue to enrich and improve ourselves with advanced culture and knowledge.

Third, building a learning-oriented Marxist political Party is a new requirement of our Party’s development under the new situation and tasks. It has a sufficient practical basis. … At present, China is in a period of working on the hard parts of reform, a key period of development, a period when conflicts become prominent. China’s development presents a new series of features. The ruling party is facing tests on its governance ability, on reform and opening up and on the market economy. The tests from the external environment are long-term, complex and serious. When facing profound changes in world conditions, national conditions, and the Party situation, and when facing the enormity, complexity and onerous nature of reform, opening up and socialist modernization, our Party must pay more attention to learning, be good at learning, never be complacent and stagnant, and continuously improve our governance and leadership level, in order to ensure the party’s vanguard nature in the profoundly changing historical process. This way our Party can become the backbone of the Chinese people when facing a variety of risks and tests at home and abroad, and a strong core leadership in the historical process of developing socialism with Chinese characteristics.

II. The basic requirements of building a learning-oriented Marxist political Party

The learning-oriented Marxist political Party we want to build should be one that holds high the great banner of socialism with Chinese characteristics, adheres to developing Sinicization of Marxism, and uses Marxism as its guide.

First, it is necessary to implement and embody the requirements of arming ourselves with scientific theory. … The fundamental basis for building a learning-oriented Marxist political party must always be ideological and theoretical development. Our goal should be enhancing all party members’ Marxist theory level. We should organize party members and officials to do in-depth study and practice Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought, in particular Deng Xiaoping Theory, the important thought of "Three Represents," the scientific outlook on development, and other major strategic thinking. We must fully implement and embody the requirements for arming the whole Party with scientific theory.

Second, it is necessary to embody a global vision. … We should be soberly aware that China is facing pressure from developed countries with their long-term economic and technological superiority. Competition in comprehensive national strength is more intense in the international arena. For socialism with Chinese characteristics to win the advantages over capitalism in comparison, we must firmly grasp the initiative to accelerate the development of our country. We must boldly absorb and learn from all civilization’s achievements created by human society, and absorb and learn from all advanced management methods, reflecting modern social productive rules from all countries including the developed capitalist countries in the world.

Third, it is necessary to implement and embody the requirement of being good at grasping the rules. … In order to build a learning-oriented Marxist party, we must focus on major issues such as what is Marxism and how to deal with Marxism, what is socialism and how to build socialism, what kind of party we want to build and how to build such a party, and what kind of development we want to realize and how to develop. We must focus on long-term governance of our party in a complex environment. We must scientifically summarize successful and failed governance experiences by various political parties in power in the world, especially the practice of other Marxist ruling parties. We must scientifically summarizing our Party’s valuable experience from the past 60 years in power, recognize the law of development from these experiences and apply them in our practice, so that the Party’s theories and work conform to the times, follow the law of development, and display great creativity.

Fourth, it is necessary to implement and embody the requirement of having innovative aspirations. … With the profound changes in China’s economic system, social structure, interest groups patterns and mainstream thoughts and ideas, we have to face a large number of new issues to solve, new challenges to deal with, and new risks to resolve.
 
III. The important focal points for building a learning-oriented Marxist political party

First, we must persistently advance the Sinicization, modernization and popularization of Marxism. The Sinicization of Marxism means to combine the basic principles of Marxism with China’s specific reality, to study in depth and solve the practical problems in different historical periods of the Chinese revolution, development and reform, and to sum up China’s unique experience in forming Marxism with Chinese style and characteristics. The modernization of Marxism means to combine Marxism and contemporary features for it to keep up with the pace of the times, constantly absorb the contents of a new era, and to scientifically solve the topics of the times. The popularization of Marxism means to explain Marxist theory in simple plain language and in a way loved by the people, and to have the broad masses of Party members and people find it more understandable and acceptable. Among the Sinicization, modernization and popularization of Marxism, the core is the Sinicization of Marxism.

Second, we must be persistent in arming the whole Party with the socialist theoretical system with Chinese characteristics. The socialist theoretical system with Chinese characteristics is a scientific theory system that includes Deng Xiaoping Theory, the important thought of the "Three Represents," and the scientific outlook on development. … In today’s China, adhering to the socialist theoretical system with Chinese characteristics is to really adhere to Marxism. In order to build a learning-oriented Marxist political Party, a strategic task is to organize and promote the Party members and cadres to strengthen systematic study of the socialist theoretical system with Chinese characteristics. We must ensure that our members truly study, understand, believe and use the theory. … The scientific outlook on development is the most up-to-date development in the socialist theoretical system with Chinese characteristics. It is an important guideline for China’s economic and social development. According to the arrangement made at the 17th National Congress of the CPC Central Committee, starting from September 2008, we must spend a year and a half or so to implement the in-depth study and practice of the scientific outlook on development from the top to the bottom of our Party members in three steps. This is an important measure to arm the whole Party with the socialist theoretical system with Chinese characteristics.

Third, we must continue the study and education of the socialist core value system. … The socialist core value system is the essence of socialist ideology. Its basic elements include the guiding ideology of Marxism, the common ideal of socialism with Chinese characteristics, patriotism as the core national spirit, the spirit of the times with reform and innovation as the core, and the socialist value with the "Eight Honors and Disgraces" as the main contents. … The Decision of the Fourth Plenary Session of the 17th CPC Central Committee and Comrade Hu Jintao’s important speech at the plenary session pointed out that among the main existing problems in the Party, ideals and beliefs have the top priority. Therefore, we must treat the education of ideals and beliefs as the top of all top priorities for the study and education of the socialist core value system. … We must guide party members and cadres to enhance their political sensitivity and discernment, build a strong mental defense, and consciously draw a clear line between the "four major black and white border-lines," that is:

One: Marxism vs. anti-Marxism,
Two: the basic economic system dominated by socialism state-ownership supplemented with diverse forms of ownership vs. private ownership or simple state-ownership,
Three: socialist democracy with Chinese characteristics vs. Western capitalism democracy,
Four: socialist ideological culture vs. feudalist or capitalist decadent ideas and cultural.

Fourth, we must build a learning-oriented Party. Our Party organization is the solid foundation for smooth progress and effective implementation of all our Party’s works. Our Party is a whole body consisting of the Central Committee to all levels of local grass-roots organizations. In order to build a learning-oriented Marxist political Party, we must take building learning-oriented all level Party organizations as basic engineering and an organizational guarantee. We must do a good job at this.

IV. Provide strong support for building a learning-oriented Marxist political party
 
First, we must strengthen the organization, guidance, and services for learning. The Party must manage the Party itself strictly. … This requires all levels of Party committees to promote the development of a learning-oriented Marxist political party and party organization as an important task.

Second, the Party leaders at all levels must be good exemplary role models.

Third, we must establish and improve a long-term mechanism to promote and ensure learning. … We must further strengthen and improve the central group study system for Party committees (groups). … We should establish and perfect a normalized and diversified study and training system for Party members and cadres. … We should focus on strengthening the study system development for attendance, archives, reporting and supervision. … We must enhance the study assessment and utilization of examination results. … We must use the study evaluation results as an important basis for leadership assessment, leading cadres’ selection and appointment.

Fourth, in building a learning-oriented Marxist political party, various types of Party cadres training organizations, including the Party school, must further play important roles. … As an important frontier in training senior leadership cadres for the Party, the Central Party School must do its best to fulfill its duties and responsibilities in the process of building a learning-oriented political Party, and further lead the process of building a learning-oriented society.

Endnote:
[1] Study Times, November 16, 2009
http://www.studytimes.com.cn/WebPage/ny1.aspx?act=0&id=3058&bid=1

 “The Press Spokesperson System Moves Forward,” by Liao Wang, June 8, 2009 [1]

"By strengthening and improving the spokesperson system, correct, effective and timely implementation of the agenda-setting through the media has become a breakthrough point for strengthening the government’s ability to govern," according to Li Xiguang, a Professor, and head of the Government Spokesperson Research Group at Tsinghua University. In his view, under the traditional propaganda system, when it comes to reporting unexpected incidents, important meetings or other important news events, the government controls what the media does or does not report by giving orders. When the government establishes a press spokesperson, it is to influence the media by providing the media with a lot of planned information. The press spokesperson system provides information to the media using proactive ways to subtly influence and guide the media and public opinion at home and abroad. The effect is more effective and clever than simple control.
…

An expert who was interviewed expressed the belief that China must keep up the results achieved by the press spokesperson system, and continue to explore the model suited to China’s conditions. Except for the information that should not be publicized according to the law, as much as possible of all other information should be made public.

In the Internet age, e-mail, MSN, QQ (forum), personal blogs and other means of communication have come out one after another. It is very difficult to suppress the dissemination of information. Since it is difficult to change people’s first impression, the government should be the first to publicize its authoritative voice.
…

In addition, in this increasingly diverse era in China, various domestic and foreign interest groups all hope to use and even take advantage of the media. For example, when certain types of emergency incidents occur, even though some problems could originally have been quickly resolved, under some people’s instigation, they become the "media events" or group events that arouse public indignation.

The interviewed expert believed that appointing a Zhongnanhai spokesperson and authorizing him as the sole authoritative spokesperson for the central government could more comprehensively and accurately transmit the policy and the stance of the CPC Central Committee and the State Council. Zhongnanhai must become the first definer of important news, especially for the major emergency events, and should be the first to issue the government’s voice.

Li Xiguang said that the Zhongnanhai spokesperson must, first of all, be the mouthpiece and spokesperson of the Party Central Committee and the State Council. He must clearly express the position and view of the CPC Central Committee and the State Council. At the same time, he must possess the ability of sharp observation and concise expression like the journalists, and he must be the starting point of the transmission chain for all the important information and news from the CPC Central Committee and the State Council.

Yin Yungong also indicated that, at present, China has established the press spokesperson system with three levels, but it still lacks the spokesperson at the highest level. Although there is the State Council Information Office, its main service targets are the central ministries and provinces. (China) should learn from the successful practices in other countries, particularly the White House spokesperson in the United States and consider the establishment of a Zhongnanhai spokesperson at a proper time. It will once again push forward the reform of China’s press spokesperson system.

Li Xiguang: Why Do We Need a Zhongnanhai Spokesperson? The International Herald Tribune, June 11, 2009 [2]

From the central government’s perspective, the establishment of a press spokesperson in Zhongnanhai can avoid having the media pursue the other departments and staff for an interview. For the government, too many (news) sources generated internally are troublesome and have "inconsistencies," which will inevitably lead to questions from the media. Appointing a Zhongnanhai spokesperson and authorizing him as the sole authorized spokesperson for the central government can transmit the policy and the stance of the CPC Central Committee and the State Council more comprehensively and accurately, thus avoiding unnecessary controversy.
…

Zhongnanhai should be the First Definer of the News

The International Herald Tribune: You have raised the point of view of "ruling the news." What is the relationship with the proposal of establishing a Zhongnanhai spokesperson?

Li Xiguang: The main contents of "ruling the news" are: establishing various levels of a government spokesperson system, in particular, and setting up the spokesperson system for the President and the Premier, so as to improve the Party and the government’s agenda-setting ability. The highest decision-making meeting in the U.S. government is the meeting held by the President of the United States at the White House every day. This meeting is not focused on anything else but what today’s news should be. It is through the White House’s highest level press-planning meeting that a single voice and a universal keyword are formed. Thus it ensures that the agendas of the American people, the U.S. media, even the world’s people, other countries’ media and other countries’ government’s concerns all have the same agenda that was planned by the White House. The agenda setting and the right of selecting news are tightly controlled in hand.

The government often can become the first definer of the news, especially in emergency incidents, but the prerequisite is that the government must take the initiative and issue the government’s voice first. The messages from the government all have a natural authority and are what the people most want to know. As long as the initiative is taken, the government is able to take the opportunity to guide public opinion. If it loses the opportunity, the government will have to pay a high price to re-lead or re-shape public opinion. Therefore, Zhongnanhai has to be the first news definer.

Endnotes:
[1] Liao Wang, June 8, 2009
http://news.sohu.com/20090608/n264389481.shtml
[2] International Herald Tribune, June 11, 2009
http://news.xinhuanet.com/herald/2009-06/11/content_11524969.htm

This year is the 60^th anniversary of the new China. We have successfully held a series of celebration activities such as a grand celebration gathering, a ceremonial military parade, a public parade, and an evening gala. These fully manifested the great achievements of these 60 years, especially the achievements after the ‘reform and opening up’ policy… It greatly inspired the party, the army, and the people, and greatly enhanced the self-confidence and national pride of the Chinese people at home and abroad… Our news front made meticulous plans and undertook painstaking efforts to launch a diverse and colorful series of news reports on it. They broadcasted the grand ceremonies and the joyful scene of the entire country, ringing in the main theme of ‘the communist party is good, socialism is good, the reform and opening up policy is good, our motherland is good, and people of all ethnic groups are good’ into every household.

In the past 60 years, the news industry has played an important role in our party’s effort to lead people of all ethnic groups in the socialist revolution and to develop and conduct the reform and opening up policy and socialist modernization… Since the 16^th National Congress of the CPC, a great number of journalists are upholding a strong sense of mission and responsibility. They have promoted in depth the systematic theory of socialism with Chinese characteristics, the great achievements of the reform and opening up policy, socialist modernization development, and the role-model stories of our cadres and the people forging ahead in unity. Specifically, journalists have created a good public opinion atmosphere for us to unfold a series of important events, conquer a series of major natural catastrophes, and handle a series of major sudden incidents, making a positive contribution to the stability and development of society. Journalists have demonstrated their firm love for the party and our country with their concrete conduct… It has been proven that our journalists are a professional team with a strong political sense, good professional skills, strict discipline, and a strong-will. It is a team that the party and the people can fully trust.

In the past 60 glorious years, the news front inherited and advanced the party’s good traditions in the media and propaganda work… (You journalists) have well fulfilled the glorious responsibility endowed upon you by the party and the people, developed a new (favorable) work environment, and accumulated many valuable experiences.
“The first is to stick to the fundamental principle of following the party’s spirit, always remaining in line with the Central Committee, firmly establishing the sense of politics, the big picture, responsibility, and the battle field, and continually strengthening political acumen and political discernment, to ensure that news reporting and propaganda work are always on the right track.

The second is to place the correct direction as the foremost priority and focus on encouraging unity and stability and providing positive propaganda… Serve the bigger perspective, sing along the main theme, and actively fight the battle (in the media)… Do well in the reporting of major sudden incidents and in guiding public opinion… Make sure that the media and propaganda work play an active role in strengthening the ideological foundation for the unity and progress of the whole party and the entire nation and in advancing the sound and fast development of the economic society.

The third is to stick to the principle of ‘people foremost,’ getting closer to reality, to daily life, and to the public. Integrate the party’s directives and people’s voices together, integrate the insistence on correctly guiding public opinion and accommodating public feelings together, and integrate the aspect of focusing on positive propaganda and the aspect of strengthening and improving public opinion to monitor the government.

The fourth is to strategically manipulate the two realms – domestic and international, strengthening the coordination and cooperation of propaganda internally and overseas, actively making ourselves a world-class media, constructing an extensive and technologically advanced broadcasting system, making efforts to form an international broadcast capability that is on par with our economic and societal development and our international status. Grab the speaking power (the preemptive position to define major issues) and enhance our international influence, so as to create a good international environment of public opinion for our socialist modernization cause.

The fifth is to stick to reform and renovation… (Our journalists should) be good at making use of modern technology to promulgate mainstream opinion and actively occupy the Internet as a new public opinion battle ground, to make the media and propaganda work better to reflect our current time and trends and to be more creative.

The sixth is to strengthen and improve the party’s leadership in media and propaganda work, and develop cadres and professionals on the news front. Insist on the principles of the party being in charge of the media and the party being in charge of the cadres, making sure that the leadership of the media and propaganda work is firmly gripped in the hands of those who are loyal to the party and to the people. Educate and nurture a large group of excellent media professionals, providing a strong political and organizational guarantee for the healthy development of media and propaganda work.

These experiences have represented the important principles and recipes for success in our party’s leading media and propaganda work over the past 60 years. They have manifested the fundamental character and the inherent requirements for socialist media work… They are precious spiritual assets for our future work. We must stick to these experiences, greatly promote them, and continuously enrich and develop them in practice as well.

The entire party and Chinese people of all ethnic groups are closely united around the Central Committee with comrade Hu Jintao as the secretary general, fully implementing the guiding policies from the 17^th National Congress of the CPC, and the Third and Fourth Plenary Sessions of the 17^th National Congress… We continuously open up a new page in socialism with Chinese characteristics. In the face of new circumstances and the new tasks, the news front is shouldering an important responsibility and a glorious mission. We must consciously… follow the requirements of upholding the (communist) flag, concentrating on the bigger perspective, serving the people, and sticking to reforming and innovating, … to effectively carry out of the propaganda of the party’s ideas. … We should guide the direction of society’s hot topics, soothe public sentiment, and control the public voice and public opinion. We must put efforts into unifying thoughts, pulling different resources together, and boosting morale, to provide a strong spiritual momentum and public opinion support for the next stage of our socialism with Chinese characteristics. Presently, we must do well in the following aspects:

1. Persevere in arming the entire party and educating the people with the “socialism with Chinese characteristics” theory to continuously strengthen the ideological foundation for the unity and advancement of the entire party and Chinese people of all ethnic groups. It is an important mission for media and propaganda work to promulgate in-depth the party’s theories and guiding policies and to help the public to master and use them. We must make it the top priority to arm the entire party and educate the people with the “socialism with Chinese characteristics” theory. We must extensively carry out promotional and promulgation activities and make an immense effort to promote the importance, the historical background, the profound meaning, the practical basis, and the historical position of the “socialism with Chinese characteristics” theory. Guide people to uphold the great banner of “socialism with Chinese characteristics,” to stay firm on the path of “socialism with Chinese characteristics” and to stay firm in our belief in “socialism with Chinese characteristics.”

2. Intimately focus on the central point of economic development as we conduct media and propaganda work, to provide a powerful support in public opinion for the fast and sound development of the economy and society. Do well the propaganda work for the economic situation and economic development and explain in detail the major policies from the central government, to provide strong public opinion support for advancing the fast and sound development of the economy and society.

3. Strengthen the propaganda of the socialist core value system and continuously strengthen mainstream public opinion. We should implement the requirements of the socialist core value system in all aspects of media and propaganda work; reflect the effective methods in different regions and in different organizations in the development of the socialist core value system; and create a good public opinion atmosphere favorable for the development of the socialist core value system.

4. Strengthen the guiding power on issues such as the people’s livelihood and other hot topics. We must create a favorable public opinion environment to maintain social stability and improve social harmony. Reflecting community sentiments and people’s voices as well as guiding public opinion on hot topics are the keys for media and propaganda work to be the bridge connecting the party and the people… Give clear expositions and explanations of the party’s and the government’s policies and decisions… Guide people to correctly handle the relationship between present-day interests and long-term interests… Do well in reporting sudden incidents while guiding public opinion in the correct direction and be the first one to publish authoritative information. Seize opportunities and gain the initiative to provide public opinion support for the appropriate handling of major sudden events. Strengthen and improve the control of public opinion… We must further enhance people’s trust in the party and the government.

5. Strategically handle domestic and international situations, strengthen and improve foreign propaganda work, and make an effort to create an objective, friendly, and favorable environment in international society. Creating this favorable international environment is an important and urgent task required from our media and propaganda work as our economy and society advance rapidly, we continue to open up more widely, and our international status keeps improving… We must improve our cooperation and sharing with foreign media in news broadcasting, human resources, information technology, and business. We must learn to take advantage of foreign resources for our purpose, and to use their platform to broadcast our news… We must increase the international impact of our media and propaganda, by reporting from China’s angle and making the voice of China heard.

The multitude of journalists must improve their own political ideological levels and professional skills. I would like to take this opportunity to list a few wishes for you.

First, continuously improve our ability to change our subjective world and become a new era journalist that our party will be rest assured with and our people will be satisfied with… Journalists must pay high attention to changing the subjective world. We must always improve our realm of mind amidst the great practice of changing the objective world. We must stay firm in our belief and our goals. We must be loyal to the cause of our party and the people. We must stay firm in executing the party’s basic policy and lines, continuously strengthen our consciousness and firmness in walking on the socialist path with Chinese characteristics, and be a firm believer and loyal advocate of the great goal of communism and socialism with Chinese characteristics.

Second, we must continuously improve our ability to guide public opinion and contribute to creating a positive mainstream public opinion. All journalists must remember that ‘the correct guidance/direction of public opinion is a blessing for the party and the people; a wrong guidance/direction of public opinion is a disaster for the party and the people.’ ‘A correct guidance of public opinion benefits the party, the country, and the people; a wrong guidance of public opinion harms the party, the country, and the people.’ In media and propaganda work, we must always stay in the same line with the Central Committee with comrade Hu Jintao as the general secretary. We should stay with the principle of focusing on the central point, serving the big perspective, and always making it a top priority to insist on the right direction for public opinion. 

Third, continue to increase our ability to reform and innovate and make an effort to open up a new page in media and propaganda work. All journalists must accurately grasp the new changes domestically and internationally and accurately grasp the new trend in media and propaganda work… Make sure our authoritative reports guide public opinion in the right direction and timely and accurately meet the people’s information requirements.

Fourth, we must continue to improve our skill to use the new type of media, and become a skillful professional in media and propaganda work in the information age. Journalists should learn the rules and the art of news propagation in today’s information age, and be skillful at new types of media, such as the Internet and cell phone. We must actively guide public opinion over the Internet and pay close attention to public sentiment and opinion on the Internet, timely detect problem trends on the Internet, frequently publish commentary articles on the Internet addressing issues that most concern Internet users, and participate in online discussions and forums to form a positive public opinion on the Internet.

Fifth, we must continuously improve our learning ability to improve our ideological qualities and professional qualities. Journalists must earnestly study the main theme of the Fourth Plenary Sessions of the 17^th National Congress of the CPC and make it an important and urgent task to improve our learning ability. We must go deep in our study of Marxism, Leninism, Mao Zedong Thoughts, Deng Xiaoping Theory, the ‘Three Represents’ ideology, and the scientific outlook on development, work hard to grasp the socialism with Chinese characteristics theory, and continue to improve our theoretical knowledge and ideological and political qualities. We must study earnestly to understand the party’s guiding policies and our state laws and rules, and consciously implement them in our news reporting.”

Endnote:
[1] People’s Daily Website, November 9, 2009
http://politics.people.com.cn/GB/1024/10338997.html

The Fourth Plenary Session of the 17th Central Committee of the Communist Party of China (CPC) requested the party to prepare for danger in times of safety, enhance awareness of potential adversity, bear in mind concern for the party, take full responsibility for the party’s prosperity, dare to transform, dare to innovate, never stop, and never stagnate. The awareness of potential adversity and the reform of innovative ideology ran through “The Central Committee of the CPC’s Decision on Several Major Issues about How to Strengthen and Improve the Party’s Development under the New Environment” that the plenary session enacted.  [1]

It can be said that the party’s development as a whole has adapted to the new situation and the requirements of its new duties. Otherwise it would be impossible for the party to lead the reform and opening up policy towards success. This is the most basic conclusion. However, there are also indeed many problems. To put it in a simple way, contradictions exist between the reform and innovation of the party’s self development and the requirements of changes in the social environment. These contradictions exhibit in the following ways. [1]

The first contradiction is that between the changes in the mass base and the insufficient transformation of the leading and administrative style of the party. During the 60 years that the communist party has been in power, the mass base has gone through several generations of change. It is completely different from the initial ruling period and the period prior to the reform and opening up. Under this situation, the party’s style of leadership over the non-party populace, which by tradition was compulsory and through the use of administrative authority, has had difficulty obtaining social acknowledgement. Some events are triggered by improper leadership. Facing the new issues under the new situation, the party organizations at all levels need to undergo a relatively big change, going from the idea, to policy-making, to the way of implementing the work. It requires truly administering in a scientific way, in a democratic way, and in a legal way. It requires learning how to use democracy, the legal system, and the “putting people first” way of dealing with the public. [1]

The Second contradiction is that the contradictions at deep social levels interweave mutually with the contradictions at the deep levels of the party. Right now, Chinese society is in a period of social transformation. Society’s contradictions have increased sharply. On one hand, because the social differentiation issue is more prominent, the mutual trust among different social stratum is insufficient. On the other hand, some problems in the public power operations, especially the corruption in the party, have caused insufficient positive interactions between the public and the officials. In fact, there were some departments in authority that became stakeholders among multi-dimensional interest groups. This has led some local people not trust the public power operations. Conflict between public security officers and the public has happened in some places. When the problems of these two aspects interweave together, some ordinary event can cause a mass event. For example, the Weng’an and Menglian events are of this kind. [2] The reform and innovation of the party’s development directly relate to the operation of public’s civil rights and relate to the pattern of change in social interests.

The third contradiction is that between the bottom up (from the masses to the authorities) democracy appeal and the insufficient innovation in the party’s democratic system. Since the reform and opening up policy, village autonomy has appeared as a result of the disintegration of people’s communes. Later, it evolved into the direct election of local party officials. This further stimulated party member’s consciousness of their democratic rights. In the base unit, democratic decision-making emerged as new procedure. However, in general, from the macroscopic perspective, the existing policy-making system has not been able to meet society’s increasing needs. In more than one place, the public’s opinions were different from the decisions of certain local party committees and of the government, but communication channels and platforms were lacking. Eventually, the public had to “take a walk collectively” or set up special web pages to publish different opinions to express their intense attention to the public affairs that related to their interests. In recent years, regarding this kind of demand, the decision-making processes at the National People’s Congress and the government have changed. For example, enacting the "Property Rights law" and the "Labor law" has shown the true public opinion. Internal party decision-making should lead the way in building up the democratic decision-making mechanism. [1]

The fourth contradiction is the contradiction between the change in the base society and the insufficient shift in the base party’s organizational function. In the last 30 years, the base society has undergone profound changes. The massive populace transformed from the traditional unit person into the social person. The party members also walk randomly among the different ownership systems of economic organization and other social organizations. Many non-government organizations have also emerged. Since the beginning of the reform and opening up policy, the base party organization has unceasingly improved its working method and form of activities. In the places where they could not use administrative authority, they have used services to bond people together. They worked in a democratic and legal way. The base organization could only gain a social foundation for their power by emphasizing the promotion of scientific progress. The party can only obtain its ruling power by putting its emphasis on service. Of course, the base organization developments of different regions are not balanced. Some have already made outstanding achievements while some are far behind the requirement of this era. [1]

The fifth contradiction is that of the maladjustment between the change of information flow and the change in the party’s internal communications. In the high tech time, the appearance of the new media, including the Internet and cell phones, has brought dramatic changes in the way that information flows. Information may spread over the whole world in a second. However, the party’s internal communications still remain old fashioned, one rank after another, one level after another, and top to bottom. Feedback is still transmitted bottom up through the same channel. In this process, a problem in one link will cause the system channel to have “an intestinal obstruction.” At the same time, certain emergency events can spread instantly to the whole society. However, our organizational channel reacts very slowly. If it fully took advantage of the high tech means, the party’s internal communication among all levels could be quick. Communication and information sharing between party member and leaders is good for the party’s internal communication. It is good for the party members to participate in the decision-making and monitoring process, and also good for the process of emergency events. [1]

The sixth contradiction is the conflict of imbalances in the complexity of the party’s internal relationships and the innovations in the party’s development system. The party’s internal relationships refers to mutual interactions among all factors of the party organization. Between the party members and the organization, among various parts of the organization, and among the organization system and the work routines, the issue is how to be connected so as to be run efficiently and in order. Among all the party’s internal relationships, the most complicated one is human. The party members’ social statuses are complicated. Though they are close to each other in the basic political idea, their individual interest requirements and individual value orientations may not be totally identical. How should the party be organized internally in order to respect the individual’s requirements while keeping the same common goal? The party organization is not a villager’s autonomous committee. Nor is it a state institution. How should the party organize the power within the party in order to have the power in balance and also have cooperation with each other? To what extent should democracy be developed within the party? And so on. All these are the innovation problems of the party’s development that need to be solved from the macro level.  [1]

Having an awareness of potential adversity requires reform and innovation. The direction of reform and innovation is to enhance the scientific level of the party’s development. … We must ensure that the party is the vanguard of the Chinese working class, and also the vanguard of the Chinese people and the Chinese nation. The so-called science, … when applied to the party’s development, means that the party’s development needs to conform to the laws of the ruling party’s development and the laws of society’s development. [1]

First, use reform and innovation to ensure the scientific nature of the party’s ideological theories. Without reform and innovation, there will be no development of the party’s ideological theories. Here, the reforming and innovative spirit is unified with the spirit of science. Being open-minded, practical and realistic, and keeping up with the times are the ways of the party’s ideology. It is also the unification of the above two kinds of spirits. The Fourth Plenary Session of the 17th Central Committee stressed to develop a Marxist learning-oriented political party. Eventually, this requires the party to update its knowledge, enhance its quality and ability by continuing its learning. Through study, the party can persist and develop the Marxist guiding principles to archive the goal of adapting to changes in the social environment. The ideas and theories’ innovation and scientific nature are unified in the process of studying and practicing. [1]

Second, use reform and innovation to ensure the scientific nature of the party development system. The system’s scientific nature is the guarantee that the party organization will remain healthy and in good operating order. It is the guarantee that the general party policy in the primary stage of socialism and the reform and opening up policy will not be changed by the fluctuation of personalities or by a shift in people’s attention. It is also the guarantee that the party’s internal political life will be democratic, in order, and lively. The party organization always has its system. However, the system’s scientific level should be continuously enhanced and developed in the process of practicing.  [1]

Third, use reform and innovation to ensure the scientific nature of the methods of work and activities. The party’s methods of work and activities never stay the same but rather are flexible. One of the traditional advantages of the Chinese Communist Party is that it takes the initiative in bringing up the issue of transforming the party’s methods of work at different historical stages. It can be said that the party has always been paying great attention to the most workable methods of work and activities. In recent year, the methods of work and activities at some local base party organizations indeed changed tremendously. The sense of scientific governance, democratic governance, and governance by the law have gradually deepened. The party interacts with the populace openly, transparently, and following the law, to serve the public. Especially among the community party organizations, non-state enterprises, and the new social organizations, the party organization’s activities have already become quite different from those of the party’s internal organizations. Its basic way of working is primarily democratic consulting, with the focus on strengthening the organization’s service functions, using flexible, amateur, and diverse methods to work. However, the innovation of the party’s methods of work is not balanced, especially when dealing with the populace. Some organizations abuse administrative authority when it should not be applied and do not use new methods of work when they should be used. Therefore, further reform and innovation are needed to adapt to the needs of the populace and the society. [1]

In the article "Grasp the Essential Features of a Learning-Oriented Party," the author pointed out that “the development of a learning-oriented political party is a major strategic choice that the CPC made after absorbing new ideas from the world with an open mind and a view of the current era.” “[Only when realizing] that the learning-oriented party is a special study organization and its prominent political nature distinguishes itself from other learning-oriented organizations, can (one) fully understand the series of duties for developing a learning-oriented party proposed at the Fourth Plenary Session of the 17th Central Committee. ‘(We should) promote the sinicization, contemporization, and popularization of Marxism. Persisting in keeping Marxism as the basic guiding principle to establish the party and the nation, closely integrating it with our national condition and historical characteristics, promoting theoretical innovation, verifying and developing the truth, and using enhanced Marxism to guide the new practice is the primary task of developing a Marxist learning-oriented political party.’ The document also requested the use of the theory of socialism with Chinese characteristics to equip the party and to treat it as the most critical part of the primary task. After proposing the primary task, it also proposed ‘the study and practice of the core value system of socialism for party members and the cadres is a major task for developing a Marxist learning-oriented political party.’ Developing a learning-oriented party organization needs to have this series of political tasks completed.” [3]

“In the process of developing a learning-oriented political party, we must explore the study management model that suits the nation’s and party’s situation. This is also a requirement for making the party’s development scientific.” “Constructing a learning-oriented political party is also a process of developing intra-party democracy politics. It should be closely coupled with strengthening intra-party democracy at the grassroots level for mutual improvement.” [3]

Endnotes:
[1] Study Times, November 9, 2009
http://www.studytimes.com.cn/WebPage/ny1.aspx?act=0&id=3041&bid=5
[2] In the Weng’an incident, rioters torched a police building and vehicles in southwest China in unrest triggered by allegations of a cover-up over a girl’s death. See http://chinascope.org/main/content/view/1007/81/
In Menglian, rubber farmers attacked police who had been sent to arrest alleged instigators in a conflict with rubber plant managers in Menglian, Yunnan. Forty officers were injured, eight police vehicles were burned, and riot police shot and killed two farmers,
[3] Study Times, November 9, 2009
http://www.studytimes.com.cn/WebPage/ny1.aspx?act=1&id=3035&nid=11073&bid=1&page=1