China is spearheading a war in cyberspace. Reports about China’s cyber-espionage or its attacks are mushrooming. A study of the available online information published in the Chinese media as well as the Western media leads to the conclusion that China has elevated cyberwarfare to a paramount strategic position and is fighting it using the “People’s War” (人民战争) Approach.
The deadly high-speed train wreck near Wenzhou City, Zhejiang Province on July 23 stirred up a deluge of Internet/media activity in China. The general public reacted swiftly and overwhelmingly on the Internet to share information and cast doubt on the government’s credibility. While the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) attempted to quiet the media, the media, on the other hand, tried to express their freedom of speech. Eventually the Central Propaganda Department of the CCP imposed tight control over media and Internet content.
This paper analyzes how the public, the media, and various official actors reacted to the situation and observes: Some “bad guys” and “good guys” in the CCP may react differently to an incident, but it is the CCP’s top decision makers who make the final call. What they care about the most is to protect the CCP’s power. They would not let anything happen to jeopardize that power.
After chasing him since September 11, 2001, Americans breathed a collective sigh of relief when bin Laden was gunned down on May 1, 2011. However, many Chinese were upset about Bin Laden’s death and praised him as an “anti-U.S. Hero.” What made the Chinese eulogize one of the worst criminals of this century? This article analyzes this phenomenon and identifies that the Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP’s) promotion of the philosophy of struggle, its relentless anti-U.S. campaign, and the deliberate attempt to belittle human rights and universal values have brainwashed and confused the Chinese people, thus making them unable to tell good from evil.
In the late 1970s China embarked on economic reform, gradually transforming what was originally a centrally planned system into a more liberal one. As a result, in 2010 China stood as the second-largest economy in the world. Many aspects of a market-oriented system are now in place: competitive commodity and labor markets, the development of stock exchanges, a rapid growth of the private sector, and opening up to foreign trade and investment. Some observers believe that China is on the right track toward a market economy. They also believe that economic reform will finally bring about political reform – that a Taiwan style democratic China will emerge in the mainland. However, this is not what the initiator of reform – the ruling Chinese Communist Party (CCP) – wants.
This article shows that the Communist Party initiated economic reform for its own survival and the continuation of its one-party governance. The Party used private ownership, foreign capital, and a competitive market to strengthen the socialist system instead of deviating from the socialist path, and it is now using its economic success to justify the one-party political system.
Starting in January 2011, popular protests erupted in some Middle East countries, leading, within weeks, to the removal of the authoritarian presidents of Tunisia and Egypt. The shock waves continue to spread across the region and reached Zhongnanhai in Beijing, where the Communist dictators are deeply apprehensive about their own future.
This article explores some of the Chinese regime’s responses, as of early March 2011, in the following areas: misinformation and propaganda; the tightening grip of the military and the police; the exercise of social control; and Internet censorship and arrests. While the timing of Zhongnanhai’s actions suggest they are a clear attempt to avoid a Middle East style crisis, these methods used are not new; they have long served the purpose of handling China’s own social instability. The collected facts may offer interesting insights into the regime’s maneuvers in its attempt to survive and continue its rule.
It is worth taking note of Beijing’s intense work in recent years to develop culture related business domestically and export culture related products internationally. This article and the previously published article (Beijing’s New Cultural Revolution, Ideological and Strategic Discussions) attempt to sum up the Chinese Communist regime’s effort to strategize, plan, and implement policy in the arena of Chinese culture, to solidify its governance, to assure the ideological guidance of socialism/Marxism in society, and to expand its global influence. This article focuses on the Chinese Communist Party’s policy practices and global efforts.
It is worth noting Beijing’s recent intense work on developing culture related businesses domestically and exporting culture products internationally. This article and the next one, Beijing’s New Cultural Revolution, and Industrial Policies and Global Practices, attempt to sum up the Chinese Communist regime’s efforts in strategizing, planning, and implementation in the arena of Chinese culture. The Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP’s) purpose is to solidify its governance, assure the ideological guidance of socialism/Marxism in society, and expand its global influence. This article focuses on the CCP’s ideological guidance and on debates among government officials and scholars. The second article will appear in a subsequent issue.