Analyses - 8. page

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Introduction

It is worth taking note of Beijing’s intense work in recent years to develop culture related business domestically and export culture related products internationally. This article and the previously published article (Beijing’s New Cultural Revolution, Ideological and Strategic Discussions) attempt to sum up the Chinese Communist regime’s effort to strategize, plan, and implement policy in the arena of Chinese culture, to solidify its governance, to assure the ideological guidance of socialism/Marxism in society, and to expand its global influence. This article focuses on the Chinese Communist Party’s policy practices and global efforts.

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It is worth noting Beijing’s recent intense work on developing culture related businesses domestically and exporting culture products internationally. This article and the next one, Beijing’s New Cultural Revolution, and Industrial Policies and Global Practices, attempt to sum up the Chinese Communist regime’s efforts in strategizing, planning, and implementation in the arena of Chinese culture. The Chinese Communist Party’s (CCP’s) purpose is to solidify its governance, assure the ideological guidance of socialism/Marxism in society, and expand its global influence. This article focuses on the CCP’s ideological guidance and on debates among government officials and scholars. The second article will appear in a subsequent issue.

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A new crime wave stunned China recently. From March 23 to May 19, seven school killings across China were reported by news media. These pre-meditated crimes appeared to be random killings targeting innocent children (see box).

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In his September 18, 2009, speech at the Fourth Session of the 17th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party, Hu Jintao admitted that strengthening the 75 million-member Party was an urgent need, and that there were numerous problems within the Party that seriously weakened its power as the ruling party.  [1] That same day, the Party passed the “Decision on a Number of Major Issues Regarding Strengthening and Improving the Party’s Growth under New Situations.” Xinhua touted it as “a programmatic document to guide the current and future Party’s growth.” [2]

The decision admits that “some Party members and cadres neglect theoretical studies; their studies and practices are out of touch; ideals and beliefs are shaken; their beliefs in Marxism are not firm and they lack confidence in socialism with Chinese characteristics. … These problems have seriously weakened the Party’s creativity, cohesion, and combat effectiveness; gravely damaged the Party’s close ties with the masses; and seriously affected the consolidation of the Party’s ruling status and governance to achieve its mission. We must alert the entire Party to pay close attention to resolve it.”

However, the CCP’s sense of urgency and insecurity is not new.

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Faced with the nearly impossible task of clarifying the CCP’s nature, its history, current practice, and future in a single book, the authors of Jiu-Ping did a fine job in striking a balance between scope and depth. Historical facts, stories and anecdotes are used to support the analysis and conclusions.

The nine chapters are divided according to the Party’s different attributes, or characteristics, rather than along socio-economic lines, or policies. Each chapter reads like a complete paper, with a foreword, main contents, a conclusion and references (in the English version). Here we only touch on the contents. The synopsis that follows can in no way capture the depth and breathe of the entire book. We therefore recommend reading the Nine Commentaries in its entirety to achieve a full understanding of all that it encompasses. [1]

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The Chinese state media’s coverage of U.S. President Obama’s visit from November 15 to 18 can be characterized as a clear demonstration of the CCP’s dexterous use of Obama to promote what it favors while downplaying what it opposes.

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The 60th anniversary of the CCP’s Rule finally passed. The $44 million celebration on Tiananmen Square on October 1 was a grand parade of thousands of troops along with 30 blocks of weapons, including jets, tanks, and missile-toting trucks. The communist leaders and the state media boasted of the prosperous and glorious era that China is in and the bright prospect of great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation.

However, one “disharmonious” tone throughout the entire preparation and actual celebration was the extremely tight security control in Beijing. The Ministry of Public Security set up a “security moat” in neighboring provinces, including Hebei, Liaoning, Inner Mongolia, Shanxi and Shandong provinces, and the Tianjin municipality, telling police to keep “all unstable factors” out of Beijing. More than 100,000 participated, but, except for top Communist leaders and 30,000 carefully selected guests, there was no live audience. Beijing residents had to stay at home and watch the parade on TV like the rest of the country. For the safety of the celebration, many areas of the Capital were blocked and businesses were closed. Staff and residents could not even open their windows; supermarkets could not sell sharp knives and all participants had to sign secrecy agreements prohibiting them from talking to journalists, taking photos, or sending text messages.

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